LINCOLN  ROOM 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
LIBRARY 


MEMORIAL 

the  Class  of  1901 

founded  by 

HARLAN  HOYT  HORNER 

and 

HENRIETTA  CALHOUN  HORNER 


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PRESIDENT    LINCOLN. 


THE  LIFE,  AND  MARTYRDOM 


OF 


# 


iBRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


SIXTEENTH 


PRESIDENT  OE  THE  UNITED  STATES; 


AND 


COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF    OF   THE    ARMY  AND    NAVY 
OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


P 


h^    J 


With  a  full  history  of  his  Life ;  Assassination ;  Death,  and 
Funeral.  His  career  as  a  Lawyer  and  Politician ;  his  services 
in  Congress  ;  with  a  full  account  of  his  Speeches,  Proclama- 
tions, Acts,  and  services  as  President  of  the  United  States,  and 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  from  the  time 
of  his  first  Inauguration  as  President  of  the  United  States, 
until  the  night  of  his  Assassination. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

T.  B.  PETERSON  &  BROTHERS, 

3  0  G  CUES  T  N  U  T  S  T  R  E  E  T. 


4 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1864,  by 

T.  B.  PETERSON  &  BROTHERS, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  in  and  for  the 

Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvania. 


1  ,o.lL(^-h 


a  IPO 


CONTENTS. 


PAOH 

Birth  of  President  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  his  ancestors....     21 

Ills  jjrand father  killed  by  the  Indians  and  scalped — De- 
scriptiou  of  his  parents 22 

*'  Abe"  goes  to  school — 'I'he  Lincoln  Family  remove  to  In- 
diana      23 

Death  of  Mrs.  Lincoln — "  Abe"  learns  to  write — His  father 
marries  again — "  Abe"  finishes  his  education 26 

He  becomes  a  hired  hand  on  a  flatboat,  and  goes  to  New 
Orleans 27 

The  family  remove  to  Illinois — "  Abe"  seeks  his  fortune 
am(»ng  strangers 28 

He  takes  another  trip  to  New  Orleans — Becomes  a  miller 
and  salesman — His  services  in  the  Black  Hawk  war....     29 

Is  nominated  for  the  Legislature  and  is  defeated — Becomes 
a  merchant  and  surveyor — Is  elected  to  the  Legislature 
— Studies  law 30 

A  thrilling  incident  in  his  legal  career 31 

A  protest  against  slavery — Is  a  candidate  for  Presidential 
Elector — Mr.  Lincoln  is  elected  to  Congress — His  votes 
and  speeches  during  his  Congressional  term 32 

Becomes  a  delegate  to  the  National  Convention  of  1848 — 
He  is  nominated  for  United  States  Senator,  but  with- 
draws       40 

He  is  again  nominated  for  the  Senate — His  speeches  in  the 
celebrated  Lincoln-Douglas  campaign — His  tribute  to  the 
De(  laration  of  Independence 41 

Pen -Portraits  of  Abraham  Lincoln 43 

Mr.  Lincoln  is  defeated  by  Mr.  Douglas — Is  then  named 
for  the  Presidency — Evidence  of  his  skill  as  a  Rail- 
splitter 47 

His  great  speech  at  the  Cooper  Institute,  New  York 48 

Is  notninatcd  for  President  of  the  United  States  by  the 
Republican  Oonveutiou 64 

riT) 


13  CONTENTS. 

PAQB 

He  IS  notified  of  his  nomination  by  a  Committee  appointed 
by  the  Convention 65 

Speech  of  the  President  of  the  Convention — Reply  of  Mr. 
Lincoln — Correspondence  between  the  Convention  and 
Mr.  Lincoln 66 

Is  elected  President  of  the  United  States 67 

ITe  leaves  Springfield  for  Washington — Ovations  on  the 
route 69 

His  arrival  at  Toledo  and  Indianapolis — His  speeches  at 
each  place 69 

He  arrives  at  Cincinnati,  and  addresses  the  citizens  from 
the  Burnet  House 70 

His  arrival  at  Columbus,  with  his  speech 71 

His  arrival  at  Steubenville,  and  his  address  to  the  people — 
Arrives  in  Pittsburg,  and  makes  a  speech  to  the  citi- 
zens       72 

Proceeds  to  Cleveland,  and  from  thence  to  Buffalo,  with  his 
speeches  at  each  place 74 

(ices  rioxt  to  Albany — His  arrival  there,  and  speeches  a^ 
the  Capitol  and  to  the  members  of  the  Legislature 76 

Proceeds  to  New  York,  and  on  his  way  makes  a  speech  at 
Pou^hkeepsie — Arrival  m  New  York,  with  his  speech, 
on  being  welcomed  by  the  Mayor  of  the  city  to  that 
place 78 

Goes  next  to  Trenton — His  speeches  to  the  Senate  and 
to  the  Chambers  of  the  Assembly  of  the  State  of  New 
Jersey 79 

Proceeds  to  Philadelphia — Is  welcomed  by  the  Mayor  of 
that  city — Mr.  Tiincoln's  speech  in  reply 81 

He  visits  "  Old  Independence  Hall" — His  speech  there 82 

He  raises  the  National  Flag  of  the  country  to  the  top  of  the 
flag-staff  on  ''  Old  Independence  Hall,"  on  Washington's 
Birt-h-day S3 

He  leaves  for  Harrisbnrg — His  arrival  there — Is  welcomed 
by  both  Houses  of  the  Legislature,  and  his  speech  on 
that  occasion 84 

A  plot  is  made  to  ai^sassinate  him — How  it  was  thwarted....     85 

RL'tiiriis  to  Philadelphia  in  a  special  train,  and  proceeds  to 
Washliiiiion  in  disguise — His  arrival  there — Is  welcomed 
*o  Washington   by  tlie  authorities — His  speech  in  reply     86 

Addresses  the  Repnblicini    Association 87 

He  is  inaugurated  President  of  the  United  States — Inaugu- 
ral Address  of  Al)r!ihani  Lincoln 88 

President  Lincoln's  interview  with  the  Virginia  Commis- 
siouers,  with  his  Address  to  them  on  that  occasion 95 


CONTENTS.  19 

The  first  Proclamation  for  troops — Congress  summoned  to 
assemble  on  the  Fourth  of  July 97 

A  blockade  of  Southern  ports  ordered 98 

The  President's  communication  with  the  Maryland  au- 
thorities       99 

Blockading  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina 101 

A  call  for  additional  troops 102 

Has  an  interview  with  the  Maryland  Legislature 103 

A  special  order  for  Florida — President  Lincoln's  first  Mes- 
sage to  Congress 104 

A  day  of  Fasting  and  Prayer  appointed 117 

Commercial  intercourse  with  the  Rebellious  States  pro- 
hibited     118 

He  modifies  an  order  of  General  Fremont's — Ilis  second 
Message  to  Congress 119 

The  President's  Message  recommending  Gradual  Emancipa- 
tion     120 

He  assumes  active  command  of  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the 
United  States 122 

He  orders  Thanksgiving  for  signal  victories—Slavery  abol- 
ished in  the  District  of  Columbia 123 

Rfc-opening  of  some  of  the  Southern  Ports — Repudiate?  an 
emancipation  order  of  Major-General   Hunter 124 

The  President's  conference  with  the  Loyal  Governors — His 
interview  with  the  Border  Congressmen — He  reads  to 
them  a  powerful  Appeal 125 

Instructions  to  Military  and  Naval  Commanders 128 

A   draft   for  Three  Hundred  Thousand  Men  ordered — The 

President  speaks  at  a  war  meeting  in  Washington 129 

The  Emancipation  Proclamation  of  September  22d,  1862...  131 

The  Emancipation  Proclamation  of  January  1st,  1863....  133 

Suspension  of  the  Writ  of  Habeas  Corpus 135 

lie  issues  an  Order  for  the  observance  of  the  Sabbath 136 

His  Annual  Message  of  December,  1862 — Important  recom- 
mendations  to  Congress 137 

Receives  a  Complimentary  Address  from  Manchester,  Eng- 
land      138 

The  President  visits  the  Army  of  the  Potomac — Reviews 
the  troops,  etc 140 

The  Enrolment  Act  and  the  rights  of  Aliens 142 

A  National  Thanksgiving  ordered 143 

Letter  from  the  President  on  the  Emancipation  Proclama- 
tion to  the  Union  men  of  Illinois 145 


20  CONTENTS. 

Suspension  of  the  Writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  in  certain  cases  148 

A  Proclamation  for  a  National  Thanksgiving 149 

Three  Hundred  Thousand  more  men  called  for 15 L 

The  President's  Dedicatory  Address  at  the  Consecration  of 
the  National  Cemetery  at  Gettysburg 1 52 

He  issues  another  Thanksgiving  Proclamation — His  Annual 
Message  of  December,  1863 — Full  pardon  ofTered  to  the 
Rebels 153 

Issues  a  Proclamation  for  Seven  Hundred  Thousand  more 
men 15S 

Explanatory  Proclamation  of  one  issued  December  eighth, 
1863 157 

An  Impartial  Review  of  the  President's  Policy 158 

Address  of  President  Lincoln  at  a  fair  held  at  the  Patent 
Office  at  Washington,  on  March  18th,  1864 174 

His  Address  to  the  Committee  of  the  Workingman's  Demo- 
cratic Republican  Association  of  New  York,  on  March 
21st,  1864 175 

He  is  the  choice  of  the  Legislatures  of  Fifteen  States,  and 
of  the  American  People  for  another  term 177 

Resolutions  of  the  Union  League  of  Philadelphia 17f> 

General  Grant  made  a  Lieutenant-General 181 

A  vigorous  Prosecution  of  the  War 181 

Mr.  Lincoln  Re-nominated  for  the  Presidency 182 

President  Lincoln  visits  Philadelphia 185 

Washington  Threatened 186 

"  To  whom  it  may  Concern" 186 

The  Fall  of  Atlanta.     Mr.  Lincoln  is  Re-elected 187 

Mr.  Lincoln  makes  a  Speech.     His  last  Annual  Message..  188 

More  Troops  wanted 189 

Mr.  Lincoln  has  an  Interview  with  Rebel  Commissioners.  189 

Mr.  Lincoln    is    inaugurated    President   of    the    United 
States  for  a  second  term 191 

Mr.  Lincoln's  Inaugural  Address  of  March  4th,  1865 192 

President  Lincoln  goes  to  "  the  Front" 193 

Gen.  Lee  Surrenders.     President  returns  to  Washington.   194 

Mr.  Lincoln's  Last  Speech 195 

President  Lincoln  Assassinated 198 

What  became  of  Booth 200 

The  Fourteenth  of  April,  1865 201 

The  effect  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  Death 203 

A  Summary 204 


IIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 


OF 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 


^  •  • » »■ 


HIS  BIRTH  AND  ANCESTORS. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  the  sixteenth  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  skilful  ruler  under  whose  wise  ad- 
ministration the  country  in  its  hour  of  peril  has  been  en- 
abled to  combat  successfully  with  the  traitors  who  have 
attempted  its  destruction,  was  born  "on  the  twelfth  of 
February,  1809,  in  that  part  of  Hardin  county,  Kentucky, 
which  is  now  known  as  Larue.  His  father,  Thomas  Lin- 
coln, and  his  grandfather,  Abraham,  were  born  in  Rock- 
ingham county,  Virginia,  a  section  of  the  "Old  Dominion" 
to  which  their  ancestors  had  migrated  from  Berks  county, 
Pennsylvania.  In  the  year  1780,  the  grandfather  removed 
his  family  to  Kentucky,  where,  taking  possession  of  a 
email  tract  of  land  in  the  wilderness,  he  erected  a  rude 
cabin,  and  proceeded  to  make  his  new  home  comfortable 
and  productive.  His  daily  labors  were  attended  in  their 
prosecution  with  great  personal  danger.  There  was  no 
other  resident  within  two  or  three  miles,  and  the  country 
was  infested  with  Indians,  who  allowed  no  opportunity  to 
pass  to  slaughter  the  white  settlers.     His  gun  was  carried 

21 


22       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

as  regularly  to  bis  work  as  was  his  axe  or  any  other  im- 
plement necessary  to  the  successful  clearing  of  the  land, 
and  at  night  when  he  retired  to  the  bosom  of  his  little 
flock,  the  faithful  weapon  was  placed  in  a  convenient  cor 
ner,  where  it  could  be  quickly  grasped  in  the  event  of  an 
attack  from  the  wily  enemy. 

Individuals  and  whole  families  living  in  the  vicinity 
were  murdered  bv  the  Indians,  but  Abraham  Lincoln  for 
four  years  escaped  their  bloodthirsty  characteristics  ;  but 
at  the  end  of  that  period,  while  clearing  a  piece  of  land 
about  four  miles  from  home,  he  was  suddenly  attacked, 
and  killed,  and  his  scalped  remains  were  found  the  next 
morning.  The  loss  was  a  severe  one  to  the  widow,  who 
now  found  herself  alone  in  the  wilderness  with  her  three 
sons  and  two  daughters,  and  with  but  little  money  with 
which  to  provide  even  the  necessities  of  life  for  the  young 
members  of  her  household.  Poverty  made  it  necessary 
that  the  family  should  separate  ;  and  all  the  children  but 
Thomas  bade  adieu  to  their  remaining  parent,  and  left  the 
county,  the  second  son  removing  to  Indiana,  and  the  others 
to  other  sections  of  Kentucky. 

DESCRIPTION  OF  HIS  PARENTS. 
Thomas  also  left  home  before  he  was  twelve  years  old, 
but  subsequently  returned  to  Kentucky,  and  in  the  year 
1806,  married  Miss  Nancy  Hanks,  who  was  also  a  native 
of  Virginia ;  so  that  it  will  be  observed  nearly  all  of  the 
immediate  ancestors  of  the  President  were  born  upon 
Southern  soil.  Thomas  Lincoln  and  his  wife  were  a  plain, 
unassuming  couple,  conscientious  members  of  the  Baptist 
Church,  and  almost  entirely  uneducated.  Mrs.  Lincoln 
could  read,  but  not  write,  while  her  husband  could  do 
neither,  save  so  far  as  to  scribble  his  o\vn  name  in  a  style 
of  caligraphy  which  a  few  of  his  more  intimate  frienda 
could   decipher.      He,  however,  appreciated  the  advan- 


LIFE  AND  SERVICFS  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.      23 

tages  of  education,  and  honored  and  respected  tlie  superior 
learning"  of  others.  His  kindness  of  heart  was  proverbial, 
and  he  was  always  industrious  and  persevering.  His 
wife,  although  uneducated,  was  blessed  with  much  natural 
talent,  excellent  judgment,  and  good  sense,  and  these 
qualifications,  with  her  great  pietj,  made  her  a  suitable 
partner  for  a  man  of  Thomas  Lincoln's  attributes,  and  a 
mother  whose  precepts  and  teachings  could  not  fail  to  be 
of  vast  benefit  in  the  formation  of  her  children's  characters. 
This  estimable  couple  had  three  children — a  daughter,  a 
son  who  had  died  in  infancy,  and  Abraham.  The  sister 
attained  the  years  of  womanhood,  and  married,  but  subse- 
quently died  without  issue. 

ABE"   GOES  TO   SCHOOL. 

When  Abraham,  or  ''Abe,"  as  he  was  already  called  at 
home  and  by  his  companions,  was  seven  years  of  age,  his 
name  was  entered  for  the  first  time  on  the  roll  of  an  edu- 
cational institution — an  academy  which  had  but  little  pre- 
tension in  outward  appearance,  and  the  presiding  genius 
of  which  had  neither  ambition  nor  ability  to  impart  greater 
instruction  than  that  which  would  enable  his  pupils  to 
read  and  write.  His  term  of  schooling  was,  however,  to 
be  of  short  duration. 

THE  LINCOLN  FAMILY  REMOVE  TO  INDIANA. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  although  a  Southerner  by  birth  and  resi- 
dence, had  become  early  imbued  with  a  disgust  for  slavery. 
He  witnessed  the  evils  of  the  "  peculiar  institution,"  and 
longed  to  be  free  from  the  disagreeable  effects  of  a  condi- 
tion of  society  which  made  a  poor  white  man  even  more 
degraded  than  the  unfortunate  negro,  whose  energies  and 
labors  were  controlled  by  an  unprincipled  and  lazy  master. 
With  these  sentiments  he  naturally  desired  to  change  his 
place  of  residence,  and  early  in  October,  1816,  finding  a 


24       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

purchaser  for  his  farm,  he  made  arrangements  for  the 
transfer  of  the  property  and  for  his  removal.  The  price 
paid  by  the  purchaser  was  ten  barrels  of  whiskey,  of  forty 
gallons  each,  valued  at  two  hundred  and  eighty  dollars, 
and  twenty  dollars  in  money.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  tem- 
perate man,  and  acceded  to  the  terms,  not  because  he 
desired  the  liquor,  but  because  such  transactions  in  real 
estate  were  common,  and  recognized  as  perfectly  proper. 

The  homestead  was  within  a  mile  or  two  of  the  Rolling 
Fork  river,  and  as  soon  as  the  sale  was  effected,  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, with  such  slight  assistance  as  little  Abe  could  give 
him,  hewed  out  a  flat-boat,  and  launching  it,  filled  it  with 
his  household  articles  and  tools  and  the  barrels  of  whiskey, 
and  bidding  adieu  to  his  son  who  stood  upon  the  bank, 
pushed  off,  and  was  soon  floating  down  the  stream  on  his 
way  to  Indiana,  to  select  a  new  home.  His  journey  down 
the  Rolling  Fork  and  into  the  Ohio  river  was  successfully 
accomplished,  but  soon  afterwards  his  boat  was  unfortu- 
nately upset,  and  its  cargo  thrown  into  the  water.  Some 
men  standing  on  the  bank  witnessed  the  accident  and 
saved  the  boat  and  its  owner,  but  all  the  contents  of  the 
craft  were  lost  except  a  few  carpenter's  tools,  axes,  three 
barrels  of  whiskey  and  some  other  articles.  He  again 
started,  and  proceeded  to  a  well-known  ferry  on  the  river, 
from  whence  he  was  guided  into  the  interior  by  a  resident 
of  the  section  of  country  in  which  he  had  landed,  and  to 
whom  he  had  given  his  boat  in  payment  for  his  services. 
After  several  days  of  diflScult  travelling,  much  of  the  time 
employed  in  cutting  a  road  through  the  forest  wide  enough 
for  a  team,  eighteen  miles  were  accomplished,  and  Spencer 
county,  Indiana,  was  reached.  The  site  for  his  new  home 
having  been  determined  upon,  Mr.  Lincoln  left  his  goods 
under  the  care  of  a  person  who  lived  a  few  miles  distant, 
and  returning  to  Kentucky  on  foot,  made  preparations  to 
remove  his  family.     In  a  few  days  the  party  bade  farewell 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       25 

to  their  old  home  and  slavery,  Mrs.  Lincoln  and  her 
daughter  riding  one  horse,  Abe  another,  and  the  father  a 
third.  After  a  seven  days'  journey  through  an  uninhab- 
ited country,  their  resting-place  at  night  being  a  blanket 
spread  upon  the  ground,  they  arrived  at  the  spot  selected 
for  their  future  residence,  and  no  unnecessary  delays  were 
permitted  to  interfere  with  the  immediate  and  successful 
clearing  of  a  site  for  a  cabin.  An  axe  was  placed  in 
Abe's  hands,  and  with  the  additional  assistance  of  a  neigh- 
bor, in  two  or  three  days  Mr.  Lincoln  had  a  neat  house  of 
about  eighteen  feet  square,  the  logs  composing  which 
being  fastened  together  in  the  usual  manner  by  notches, 
and  the  cracks  between  them  filled  with  mud.  It  had  only 
one  room,  but  some  slabs  laid  across  logs  overhead  gave 
additional  accommodations  which  were  obtained  by  climb- 
ing a  rough  ladder  in  one  corner.  A  bed,  table  and  four 
stools  were  then  made  by  the  two  settlers,  father  and  son, 
and  the  building  was  ready  for  occupancy.  The  loft  was 
Abe's  bedroom,  and  there  night  after  night  for  many 
years,  he  who  now  occupies  the  most  exalted  position  in 
the  gift  of  the  American  people,  and  who  dwells  in  the 
"  White  House"  at  Washington,  surrounded  by  all  the 
comforts  that  wealth  and  power  can  give,  slumbered  with 
one  coarse  blanket  for  his  mattress  and  another  for  his 
covering,  Although  busy  during  the  ensuing  winter  with 
his  axe,  he  did  not  neglect  his  reading  and  spelling,  and 
also  practised  frequently  with  a  rifle,  the  first  evidence  of 
his  skill  as  a  marksman  being  manifested,  much  to  the 
delight  of  his  parents, .  in  the  killing  of  a  wild  turkey, 
which  had  approached  too  near  the  cabin.  The  knowledge 
of  the  use  of  the  rifle  was  indispensable  in  the  border 
settlements  at  that  time,  as  the  greater  portion  of  the  food 
required  for  the  settlers  was  procured  by  it,  and  the  family 
which  had  not  among  its  male  members  one  or  more  who 
could  discharge  it  with  accuracy,  «vas  very  apt  to  sufl'er 
from  a  scarcity  of  comestiblea 


26       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

DEATH  OF  MRS.  LINCOLN— "ABE"   LEARNS  TO 

WRITE. 

A  little  more  than  a  year  after  removing  to  Spencer 
county,  Mrs.  Lincoln  died,  an  event  which  brought  deso- 
lation to  the  hearts  of  her  husband  and  children,  but  to 
none  so  much  as  to  Abe.  He  had  been  a  dutiful  son,  and 
she  one  of  the  most  devoted  of  mothers,  and  to  her  in- 
struction may  be  traced  many  of  those  traits  and  charac- 
teristics for  which  even  now  he  is  remarkable.  Soon 
after  her  death,  the  bereaved  lad  had  an  offer  which  prom- 
ised to  afford  him  other  employment  during  the  long, 
monotonous  evenings,  than  the  reading  of  books,  a  young 
man  who  had  removed  into  the  neighborhood  having 
offered  to  teach  him  how  to  write.  The  opportunity  was 
too  fraught  with  benefit  to  be  rejected,  and  after  &  few 
weeks  of  practice  under  the  eye  of  his  instructor,  and  also 
out  of  doors  with  a  piece  of  chalk  or  charred  stick,  he  was 
able  to  write  his  name,  and  in  less  than  twelve  months 
could  and  did  write  a  letter. 

HIS  FATHER  MARRIES  AGAIN— ABE  FINISHES 

HIS    EDUCATION. 

During  the  next  year  Mr.  Lincoln  married  Mrs.  Sally 
Johnston,  of  Elizabethtown,  Kentucky,  a  widow-lady  with 
three  children,  and  who  was  admirably  adapted  to  supply 
the  vacancy  which  existed  in  the  Lincoln  family;  and  a 
superior  woman,  between  whom  and  Abe  a  most  devoted 
attachment  sprung  up,  which  ever  afterwards  continued. 
About  the  same  time  a  person  named  Crawford  moved  into 
the  neighborhood,  and  understanding  how  to  read  and 
write  and  the  rudiments  of  arithmetic,  was  induced  to 
open  a  school,  to  which  Abe  was  sent,  and  in  which  he 
greatly  improved  his  knowledge  of  the  first  two  branches, 
and  soon  mastered  the  second.     His  school-garb  comprised 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       27 

a  suit  of  dressed  buckskin  and  a  cap  made  from  a  raccoon 
skin.  His  memory  was  retentive,  and  as  he  took  aa  un- 
usual pride  in  his  studies,  his  close  application  made  him 
a  favorite  scholar  with  his  teacher,  while  his  superior 
knowledge,  limited  though  it  was,  caused  him  to  be  used 
by  the  more  ignorant  settlers  as  their  scribe  whenever  they 
had  letters  to  be  written.  A  brief  period  at  this  school, 
and  to  use  a  fashionable  phrase,  his  education  was  finished. 
Six  months  of  instruction  within  the  walls  of  an  insigni- 
ficant school- house  is  all  the  education  that  Abraham  Lin- 
coln has  received  during  a  long  lifetime,  a  greater  portion 
of  which  has  been  spent  in  public  positions,  where  ability 
and  talent  were  indispensable  requisites. 

BECOMES  A  HIRED  HAND  ON  A  FLATBOAT. 

For  four  or  five  years  after  leaving  school,  or  until  he 
was  eighteen,  he  constantly  labored  in  the  woods  with  his 
axe,  cutting  down  trees  and  splitting  rails,  and  during 
the  evenings,  read  such  works  as  he  could  borrow  from 
the  other  settlers.  A  year  later,  he  was  hired  by  a  man 
living  near  by,  at  ten  dollars  a  month,  to  go  to  New 
Orleans  on  a  flatboat  loaded  with  stores,  which  were 
destined  for  sale  at  the  plantations  on  the  Mississippi 
river,  near  the  Crescent  City,  and  with  but  one  companion 
started  on  his  rather  dangerous  journey.  At  night  they 
tied  up  alongside  of  the  bank,  and  rested  upon  the  hard 
deck  with  a  blanket  for  a  covering,  and  during  the  hours 
of  light,  whether  their  lonely  trip  was  cheered  by  a  bright 
Run  or  made  disagreeable  in  the  extreme  by  violent  storms, 
their  craft  floated  down  the  stream,  its  helmsmen  never  for  a 
moment  losing  their  spirits,  or  regretting  their  acceptance 
of  the  positions  they  occupied.  Nothing  occurred  to  mar 
the  success  of  the  trip,  nor  the  excitement  naturally  inci- 
dent to  a  flatboat  expedition  of  some  eighteen  hundred 
miles,  save  a  midnight  attack  bv  a  party  of  negroes,  who, 


28       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

after  a  severe  conflict,  were  whipped  by  Abe  and  his 
comrade  and  compelled  to  flee,  and  after  selling  their 
goods  at  a  Landsome  profit,  the  young  merchants  returned 
to  Indiana. 

THE     FAMILY     REMOVE     TO     ILLINOIS— ABE 
SEEKS  HIS  FORTUNE  AMONG  STRANGERS. 

In  March,  1830,  Mr.  Thomas  Lincoln  removed  bis 
family  to  Illinois,  their  household  articles  being  transported 
thither  in  large  wagons  drawn  by  oxen,  Abe  himself 
driving  one  of  the  teams.  Upon  the  journey,  and  while 
crossing  the  bottom  lands  of  the  Kaskaskia  river,  the 
males  of  the  family  were  compelled  to  wade  through 
water  up  to  their  waists.  In  two  weeks  they  reached 
Decatur,  Macon  county,  Illinois,  near  the  centre  of  that 
State,  and  in  another  day  were  at  the  tract  of  land 
(ten  acres)  on  the  north  side  of  the  Sangamon  river,  and 
about  ten  miles  west  of  Decatur.  A  log  cabin  was  imme- 
diately erected,  and  Abe  proceeded  to  split  the  rails  for 
the  fence  with  which  the  lot  was  to  be  enclosed.  As  a 
rail-splitter,  as  a  tiller  of  the  soil,  or  as  a  huntsman,  to 
whose  accuracy  of  aim  the  family  depended  in  a  great 
measure  for  their  daily  food,  young  Abraham  Lincoln 
was  active,  earnest  and  laborious,  and  when  in  the  follow- 
ing spring  he  signified  his  intention  to  leave  his  home  to 
seek  his  fortune  among  strangers,  the  tidings  were  re- 
ceived by  his  parents  and  friends  with  the  most  profound 
sorrow. 

Confident  that  a  more  extended  field  of  observation  and 
action  would  be  more  suitable  to  his  tastes  and  disposition, 
he  packed  up  what  little  clothing  he  possessed,  and  went 
westward  into  Menard  county.  He  worked  on  a  farm 
in  the  vicinity  of  Petersburg,  during  the  ensuing  summer 
and  winter,  at  the  same  time  improving  himself,  in  read- 
ing, writing,  grammar,  and  arithmetic. 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       29 


HE  TAKES  ANOTHER  TRIP  TO  NEW  ORLEANS- 
BECOMES  MILLER  AND  SALESMAN. 

Early  in  the  following  spring  he  was  hired  by  a  man 
named  Offutt,  to  assist  in  taking  a  flatboat  to  New 
Orleans ;  and,  as  it  was  found  impossible  to  purchase  a 
suitable  boat,  Abe  lent  a  willing  and  industrious  hand  in 
building  one  at  Sangamon,  from  whence,  when  completed, 
it  was  floated  into  the  Mississippi  river.  The  trip  was 
made,  and  his  employer  was  so  much  gratified  with  the 
industry  and  tact  of  his  hired  hand,  that  he  engaged  him 
to  take  charge  of  his  mill  and  store  in  the  village  of  New 
Salem.  In  this  position,  "  Honest  Abe,"  as  he  was  now 
called,  won  the  respect  and  confidence  of  all  with  whom 
he  had  business  dealings,  while  socially,  he  was  much 
beloved  by  the  residents — young  and  old — of  the  place. 
He  was  afi*able,  generous,  ever  ready  to  assirst  the  needy 
or  to  sympathize  with  the  distressed,  and  never  was 
known  to  be  guilty  of  a  dishonorable  act. 

HIS  SERVICES  IN  THE  BLACK  HAWK  WAR. 

Early  in  the  following  year  the  Black  Hawk  War  broke 
out,  and  the  Governor  of  Illinois  calling  for  troops,  Abe 
determined  to  offer  his  services ;  and  a  recruiting  station 
being  opened  in  New  Salem,  he  placed  his  name  the  first 
on  the  roll ;  and  by  his  influence  inducing  many  of  his 
friends  and  companions  to  do  likewise,  a  company  was 
soon  organized,  and  Abe  was  unanimously  elected  captain. 
The  company  marched  to  Beardstown,  and  from  there  to 
the  seat  of  war ;  but  during  their  term  of  enlistment — 
thirty  days — were  not  called  into  active  service.  A  new 
levy  was  then  called  for,  and  he  re-enlisted  as  a  private, 
and  at  the  end  of  thirty  days  again  re-enlisted,  and  re^ 
mained  with  his  regiment  until  the  war  ended. 


30       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

IS  NOMINATED  TOR  THE  LEGISLATURE  AND 

IS  DEFEATED. 

Soon  after  his  return  from  this  campaign,  in  the  pro- 
gress of  which  he  proved  himself  an  efficient  and  zealous 
soldier,  although  his  regiment  was  not  brought  in  conflict 
with  the  enemy,  or  as  he  subsequently  expressed  it,  he 
"  did  not  see  any  live  fighting  Indians,  but  had  a  good 
many  bloody  struggles  with  the  mosquitoes,"  he  was 
waited  upon  by  several  of  the  influehtial  citizens  of  xsew 
Salem,  who  asked  his  consent  to  nominate  him  for  the 
juegislature.  He  had  only  been  a  resident  of  the  county  for 
nine  months,  but  as  a  thorough-going  "Henry  Clay  man" 
.vas  needed,  he  was  deemed  the  most  suitable  person  to  run, 
particularly  as  it  was  believed  that  his  popularity  would 
ensure  success  in  a  county  which  had,  the  year  before, 
given  General  Jackson  a  large  majority  for  President. 
There  were  eight  aspirants  for  the  legislative  position; 
but,  although  Abraham  received  two  hundred  and  seventy- 
seven  votes  out  of  two  hundred  and  eighty-four,  cast  in 
New  Salem,  he  was  not  elected,  the  successful  candidate 
leading  him  a  few  votes. 

BECOMES  A  MERCHANT  AND  SURVEYOR. 

Soon  after  his  political  defeat  he  engaged  in  the  mer- 
cantile business,  but  in  a  few  months  sold  out,  and  under 
the  tuition  of  John  Calhoun  (in  later  years  President  of 
the  Lecorapton  Constitutional  Convention)  became  pro- 
ficient in  surveying,  an  occupation  which  for  more  than  a 
year  he  found  ver7  remunerative  for  a  novice.  He  was 
also  for  a  time  Postmaster  of  New  Salem. 

IS  ELECTED  TO  THE   LEGISLATURE— STUDIES 

LAW 

In  August,  1834,  he  was  again  nominated  for  the  Legis- 
lature, and  was  elected  by  a  large  majority ;  and  in  1836, 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       31 

1838,  and  1840,  was  re-elected.  While  attondincc  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  first  session,  he  determined  to  become  a  law- 
yer, and  being  placed  in  possession  of  the  necessary  books 
through  the  kindness  of  the  Hon.  John  T.  Stuart,  applied 
himself  to  study,  and  in  1836  was  admitted  to  practice  at 
the  bar.  In  April,  1831,  he  removed  to  Springfield,  and 
became  a  partner  of  Mr.  Stuart. 

A    THRILLING    INCIDENT    IN    HIS    LEGAL 

CAREER. 

One  instance  which  occurred  during  his  early  legal 
practice  is  worthy  of  extended  publication.  At  a  camp 
meeting  held  in  Menard  county,  a  tight  took  place  which 
ended  in  the  murder  of  one  of  the  participants  in  the 
quarrel.  A  young  man  named  Armstrong,  a  son  of  the 
aged  couple  for  whom  many  years  before  Abraham  Lin- 
coln had  worked,  was  charged  with  the  deed,  and  being 
arrested  and  examined,  a  true  bill  was  found  against  him, 
and  he  was  lodged  in  jail  to  await  his  trial.  As  soon  as 
Mr.  Lincoln  received  intelligence  of  the  affair,  he  addressed 
a  kind  letter  to  Mrs.  Armstrong,  stating  his  anxiety  that 
her  son  should  have  a  fair  trial,  and  offering  in  return  for 
her  kindness  to  him  while  in  adverse  circ-um stances  some 
years  before,  his  services  gratuitously.  Investigation  con- 
vinced the  volunteer  attorney  that  the  young  man  was  the 
victim  of  a  conspiracy,  and  he  determined  to  postpone  the 
case  until  the  excitement  had  subsided.  The  day  of  trial 
however  finally  arrived,  and  the  accuser  testified  positively 
that  he  saw  the  accused  plunge  the  knife  into  the  heart  of 
the  murdered  man.  He  remembered  all  the  circumstances 
perfectly ;  the  murder  was  committed  about  half-past  nine 
o'clock  at  night,  and  the  moon  was  shining  brightly. 
Mr.  Lincoln  reviewed  all  the  testimony  carefully,  and 
then  proved  conclusively  that  the  moon  which  the  accuser 

had  sworn  was  shining  brightly,  did  not  rise  until  an  hour 
2 


32       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

or  more  after  the  murder  was  committed.  Other  dis- 
crepancies were  exposed,  and  in  thirty  minutes  after  the 
jury  retired  they  returned  with  a  verdict  of  "  Not  Guilty  " 

A  PROTEST  AGAINST  SLAVERY. 
On  the  third  of  March,  1837,  a  protest  was  presented 
to  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Illinois  and  signed  by 
"  Daniel  Stone  and  Abraham  Lincoln,  Representatives 
from  Sangamon  county,"  which  is  the  first  record  that  we 
have  of  the  sentiments  of  the  subject  of  our  sketch  on  the 
slavery  question.  It  was  in  opposition  to  a  series  of  reso- 
lutions which  had  been  adopted,  taking  an  extreme  South- 
ern view  of  slavery,  for  which  Mr.  Lincoln  refused  to  vote, 
and  subsequently  handed  in  the  protest. 

IS    A    CANDIDATE    FOR   PRESIDENTIAL 

ELECTOR. 

In  every  campaign  from  1836  to  1852,  he  was  a  Whig 
candidate  for  Presidential  Elector,  and  in  1844,  he  stumped 
the  entire  State  of  Illinois  for  Henry  Clay  ;  and  then 
crossing  the  line  into  Indiana,  spoke  daily  to  immense 
gatherings,  until  the  day  of  election.  His  style  of  speak- 
ing was  pleasing  to  the  masses  of  the  people,  and  his 
earnest  appeals  were  not  only  well  received,  but  were 
productive  of  much  benefit  to  his  favorite  candidate. 
Accustomed  from  early  childhood  to  the  habits  and  pecu- 
liarities of  all  kinds  and  conditions  of  men — the  refined 
and  the  vulgar,  the  intelligent  and  the  illiterate,  the  rich 
and  the  poor — he  knew  exactly  what  particular  style  of 
language  best  suited  his  hearers,  and  the  result  was  that 
he  was  always  listened  to  with  a  degree  of  attention  and 
interest  which  few  political  speakers  receive. 

MR.  LINCOLN  ELECTED  TO  CONGRESS  — HIS 
VOTES  AND  SPEECHES  DURING  HIS  CON- 
GRESSIONAL TERM. 

In  1846,  Mr.  lancoln  was  elected  to  CongrCwSs  from  the 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LI^COLN■.       33 

Central  District  of  Illinois,  bj  a  majority  of  over  fifteen 
hundred  votes,  the  largest  ever  given  in  that  District  to 
any  candidate  opposed  to  the  Democratic  party.  Illinois 
elected  seven  Representatives  that  year;  and  all  were 
Democrats  but  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  took  his  seat  on  the 
first  Monday  of  December,  1847,  and  during  the  exciting 
session  that  followed,  cast  his  vote  pro  or  con  on  every 
important  question,  and  on  more  than  one  occasion  dis- 
played his  eloquence  and  superior  argumentative  ability. 
One  of  his  first«votes  was  given  on  the  twentieth  of  De- 
cember in  favor  of  the  following  resolution  : 

''Resolved,  That  if,  in  the  judgment  of  Congress,  it  be  neces- 
Bary  to  improve  the  navigation  of  a  river  to  expedite  and  render 
Becure  the  movements  of  our  army,  and  save  from  delay  and  loss 
oar  arms  and  munitions  of  war,  that  Congress  has  the  power  to 
improve  such  river. 

"■Resolved,  That  if  it  be  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  the 
lives  of  our  seamen,  repairs,  safety,  or  maintenance  of  our  v<'S- 
sels-of-war.  to  improve  a  harbor  or  inlet,  either  on  our  Atlantic 
or  Lake  coast,  Congress  has  the  power  to  make  such  improve- 
ment." 

On  the  twenty-second  of  the  same  month,  he  voted  in 
favor  of  a  similar  resolution,  and  on  the  same  day  offered 
the  following  series  of  resolutions,  which  he  introduced 
with  one  of  his  characteristic  speeches,  humorous  at  one 
moment  and  logical  at  the  next.  Although,  like  the  large 
majority  of  the  Whig  party  opposed  to  the  declaration  of 
war  with  Mexico  by  the  President,  he  never  failed  to  vote 
for  any  resolution  or  bill  which  had  for  its  object  the  send- 
ing of  supplies  to  our  troops  who  had  been  ordered  to  the 
seat  of  war.     The  resolutions  read  as  follows  : 

''Whereas.  The  President  of  the  United  States,  in  his  mes- 
sage of  May  11th.  1846.  has  declared  '  that  the  Mexican  Govern- 
ment not  only  refused  to  receive  him  (the  envoy  of  the  United 
States)  or  listen  to  his  propositions,  but,  after  a  long-continued 
series  of  menaces,  have  at  last  invaded  our  territory  and  shed 
the  blood  of  our  fellow -citizens  on  our  own  soil.' 

"And  again,  in  his  message  of  December  8th,  1846,  that  *  we 


34       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

had  ample  cause  of  war  ajrainst  Mexico  long  before  the  break- 
ing out  of  hostilities,  but  even  then  we  forbore  to  take  redress 
into  our  own  hands  until  Mexico  herself  became  the  ao-ffressor 
by  invading  our  soil  in  hostile  array,  and  shedding  the  blood  of 
our  citizens.' 

"And  yet  again,  in  the  message  of  December  7th.  1847,  that 
'the  Mexican  Government  refused  even  to  hear  the  terms  of 
adjustment  which  he  (our  minister  of  peace)  was  authorized  to 
propose ;  and,  finally,  under  wholly  unjustifiable  pretexts,  in- 
volved the  two  countries  in  war  by  invading  the  territory  of  the 
State  of  Texas,  striking  the  first  blow,  and  shedding  the  blood 
of  our  citizens  on  our  own  soil.' 

"  And  whereas,  This  House  is  desirous  to  obtain  a  full  knowl- 
edge of  all  the  facts  which  go  to  establish  whether  the  particu- 
lar spot  on  which  the  blood  of  our  citizens  was  so  shed,  was  or 
was  not  at  that  time  our  own  soil.     Therefore, 

''Resolved,  hy  the  Rouse  of  Representatives,  That  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  be  respectfully  requested  to  inform 
this  House, 

"  Is^.  Whether  the  spot  on  which  the  blood  of  our  citizens 
was  shed,  as  in  his  messages  declared,  was  or  was  not  within  the 
Territory  of  Spain,  at  least  after  the  treaty  of  1819,  until  the 
Mexican  revolution, 

'"2nd.  Whether  that  spot  is  "or  is  not  within  the  territory 
which  was  wrested  from  Spain  by  the  revolutionary  Govern- 
ment of  Mexico. 

'•  3rd.  Whether  that  spot  is  or  is  not  within  a  settlement  of 
people,  which  settlement  has  existed  ever  since  long  before  the 
'J'exas  revolution,  and  until  its  inhabitants  fled  before  the  ap- 
proach of  the  United  States  Array. 

"4th.  Whether  that  settlement  is  or  is  not  isolated  from  any 
and  all  other  settlements  by  the  Gulf  and  the  Rio  Grande  on 
the  south  and  west,  and  by  wide  uninhabited  regions  on  the  north 
and  east. 

"Dth.  Whether  the  people  of  that  settlement,  or  a  majority 
of  them,  or  any  of  them,  have  ever  submitted  themselves  to  the 
Government  or  laws  of  Texas  or  of  the  United  States,  by  con- 
gent  or  by  compulsion,  either  by  accepting  office,  or  voting  at 
elections,  or  paying  tax  or  serving  on  juries,  or  having  process 
served  upon  them,  or  in  any  other  way. 

"G/'/i.  Whether  the  people  of  that  settlement  did  or  did  not 
flee  from  the  approach  of  the  United  States  Army,  leaving  un- 
protected their  homes  and  their  growing  crops,  before  the  blood 
was  shed,  as  in  the  message  stated  ;  and  whether  the  first  bloo  I, 
Ko  shed,  was  or  was  not  shed  within  the  enclosure  of  one  of  tl  e 
people  who  had  thus  fled  from  it. 

"  1th.  Whether  our  citizens,  whose  blood  was  shed,  as  in  his 
messages  declared,  were  or  were  not,  at  that  time,  armed  officers 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       35 

and  soldiers,  sent  into  that  settlement  by  the  military  order  of 
the  President,  through  the  Secretary  of  War. 

"  Sth.  Whether  the  military  force  of  the  United  States  was  or 
was  not  so  sent  into  that  settlement  after  General  Taylor  had 
more  than  once  intimated  to  the  War  Department  that,  in  his 
opinion,  no  such  movement  was  necessary  to  the  defence  or  pro- 
tection of  Texas." 

On  several  occasions  during  the  session,  he  voted  for 
the  reception  of  petitions  and  memorials  in  favor  of  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  against 
the  slave-trade,  and  advocating  the  prohibition  of  slavery 
in  the  territory  that  might  be  acquired  from  Mexico. 

On  the  seventeenth  of  February,  1848,  Mr.  Lincoln 
voted  for  a  Loan  bill  reported  by  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means,  authorizing  the  raising  of  sixteen  millions  of 
dollars  to  enable  the  Government  to  provide  for  its  debts, 
principally  incurred  in  Mexico. 

On  the  eleventh  of  May,  in  moving  to  reconsider  a  vote 
by  which  a  bill  having  reference  to  the  public  lands  ha(? 
passed,  he  made  the  following  remarks : 

"  He  stated  to  the  House  that  he  had  made  this  motion  for 
the  purpose  of  obtaining  an  opportunity  to  say  a  few  words 
in  relation  to  a  point  raised  in  the  course  of  the  debate  on 
this  bill,  which  he  would  now  proceed  to  make,  if  in  order. 
The  point  in  the  case  to  which  he  referred,  arose  on  the  amend- 
ment that  was  submitted  by  the  {gentleman  from  Vermont  (Mr. 
Collamer),  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  State  of  the  Union, 
and  which  was  afterwards  renewed  in  the  House,  in  relation  to 
the  question  whether  the  reserved  sections,  which,  by  some  bills 
heretofore  passed,  by  which  an  appropriation  of  land  had  been 
made  to  Wisconsin,  had  been  enhanced  in  value,  should  be  re- 
duced to  the  minimum  price  of  the  public  lands.  The  question 
of  the  reduction  in  value  of  those  sections  was,  to  him,  at  this 
time,  a  matter  very  nearly  of  indifference.  He  was  inclined  to 
desire  that  Wisconsin  should  be  obliged  by  having  it  reduced. 
But  the  gentleman  from  Indiana  (Mr.  C.  B.  Smith),  the  Chair- 
man of  the  Committee  on  the  Territories,  associated  that  ques- 
tion with  the  general  question,  which  is  now,  to  some  extent, 
agitated  in  Congress,  of  making  appropriations  of  alternate  sec 
tious  of  land  to  aid  the  States  in  making  internal  improvepv^Dt^r 
and  enhancing  the  prices  of  the  section  reserved,  and  ♦H  ^«»« 


36       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

tleman  from  Indiana  took  ground  against  that  policy.  He  did 
not  make  ai)y  special  argument  in  favor  of  Wisconsin  ;  but  he 
took  ground  generally  against  the  policy  of  giving  alternate  sec- 
tions of  land,  and  enhancing  the  price  of  the  reserved  sections. 
Now,  he  (Mr.  nLi.)  did  not  at  this  time,  take  the  floor  for  the 
])urpose  of  attempting  to  make  an  argument  oq  the  general  sub- 
ject. He  rose  simply  to  protest  against  the  doctrine  which  the 
gentleman  from  Indiana  had  avowed  in  the  course  of  what  he 
(Mr.  L.)  could  not  but  consider  an  unsound  argument. 

'•  It,  might  however  be  true,  for  any  thing  he  knew,  that  the 
gentleman  from  Indiana  might  convince  him  that  his  argument 
was  sound  ;  but  he  (Mr.  L.)  feared  that  gentleman  would  not  be 
able  to  convince  a  majority  in  Congress  that  it  was  sound.  It 
was  true,  the  question  appeared  in  a  different  aspect  to  persons 
in  consequence  of  a  difference  in  the  point  from  which  they 
looked  at  it.  It  did  not  look  to  persons  residing  east  of  the 
mountains  as  it  did  to  those  who  lived  among  the  public  lands. 
But,  for  his  part,  he  would  state  that  if  Congress  would  make  a 
donation  of  alternate  sections  of  public  lands  for  the  purpose 
of  internal  improvement  in  his  State,  and  forbid  the  reserved 
sections  being  sold  at  $1.25,  he  should  be  glad  to  see  the  appro- 
priation made,  though  he  should  prefer  it  if  the  reserved  sec- 
tions were  not  enhanced  in  price.  He  repeated,  he  should  be 
glad  to  have  such  appropriations  made,  even  though  the  reserved 
sections  should  be  enhanced  in  price.  He  did  not  wish  to  be 
understood  as  concurring  in  any  intimation  that  they  would  re- 
fuse to  receive  such  an  appropriation  of  alternate  sections  of 
land  because  a  condition  enhancing  the  price  of  the  reserved 
sections  should  be  attached  thereto.  He  believed  his  position 
would  now  be  understood,  if  not,  he  feared  he  should  not  be  able 
to  make  himself  understood. 

'*  But  before  he  took  his  seat  he  would  remark  that  the  Senate, 
during  the  present  session,  had  passed  a  bill  making  appropria- 
tions of  land  on  that  principle  for  the  benefit  of  the  State  in 
which  he  resided — the  State  of  Illinois.  The  alternate  sections 
were  to  be  given  for  the  purpose  of  constructing  roads,  and  the 
reserved  sections  were  to  be  enhanced  in  ralue  m  consequence. 
When  the  bill  came  here  for  the  action  of  this  House,  it  had 
been  received,  and  was  now  before  the  Committee  on  Public 
Lands — he  desired  much  to  see  it  passed  as  it  was,  if  it  could 
be  put  in  a  more  favorable  form  for  the  State  of  Illinois.  Whea 
it  should  be  before  this  House,  if  any  member  from  a  section  of 
the  Union  in  which  these  lands  did  not  lie,  whose  interest  might 
be  less  than  that  which  he  felt,  should  propose  a  reduction  of 
the  price  of  the  reserved  sections  to  $1.25,  he  should  be  much 
obliged  ;  but  he  did  not  think  it  would  be  well  for  those  who 
came  fr«)m  the  section  of  the  Union  in  which  the  lands  lay,  to 
do  80.  He  wished  it,  then,  to  be  understood,  that  he  did  not 
join  in  the  warfare  against  the  principle  which  had  engaged  the 


LIFE  AND  SERVICKS  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       87 

minds  of  some  members  of  Congress  who  were  favorable  to  im- 
provements ill  tlic  western  country. 

"  There  was  a  good  deal  of  force,  he  admitted,  in  what  fell 
from  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Territories.  It  might 
be  that  there  was  no  precise  justice  in  raising  the  price  of  the 
re.-erved  sections  to  $2.50  per  acre.  It  might  be  proper  that 
the  price  should  be  enhanced  to  some  extent,  though  not  to 
double  the  usual  price  ;  but  he  should  be  glad  to  have  .such  an 
appropriation  with  the  reserved  sections  at  ^2.^0;  he  should  be 
better  pleased  to  have  the  price  of  those  sections  at  something 
less  ;  and  he  should  be  still  better  pleased  to  have  them  without 
any  enhancement  at  all. 

"  There  was  one  i)ortion  of  the  argument  of  the  gentleman 
from  Indiana,  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Territories 
(Mr.  Smith),  which  he  wished  to  take  occasion  to  say  that  he 
did  not  view  as  unsound.  He  alluded  to  the  statement  that  the 
Genoral  Grovcrnment  was  interested  in  these  internal  improve- 
ments being  made,  inasmuch  as  they  increased  the  value  of  the 
lands  that  were  unsold,  and  they  enabled  the  Government  to  sell 
lands  which  could  not  be  sold  without  them.  Thus,  then,  the 
Government  gained  by  internal  improvements,  as  well  as  by  the 
general  good  which  the  people  derived  from  them,  and  it  might 
be,  thorct'ore,  tiiat  the  lands  should  not  be  sold  for  more  than 
^1.50,  instead  of  the  price  being  doubled.  He,  however,  merely 
mentioned  this  in  passing,  for  he  only  rose  to  state,  as  the  prin- 
ciple of  giving  these  lands  for  the  purposes  which  he  bad  men- 
tioned had  been  laid  hold  of  and  considered  favorably,  and  as 
there  were  some  gentlemen  who  had  constitutional  scruples 
about  giving  money  for  these  purposes,  who  would  not  hesitate 
to  give  land,  that  he  was  not  willing  to  have  it  understood  that 
he  was  one  of  those  who  made  war  against  that  principle.  This 
was  all  he  desired  to  say,  and  having  accomplished  the  object 
with  which  he  rose,  he  withdrew  his  motion  to  reconsider." 

Oq  the  nineteenth  of  the  following  month  he  first  had 
an  opportunity  to  record  his  views  upon  the  Tariff  ques- 
tion, by  voting  in  favor  of  a  resolution  instructing  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  to  inquire  into  the  expe- 
diency of  reporting  a  bill  increasing  the  duties  on  foreign 
luxuries  of  all  kinds,  and  on  "  such  foreign  manufactures 
as  are  now  coming  into  ruinous  competition  with  Ameri- 
can labor."  He  subsequently  voted  for  a  resolution  in- 
structing the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  to  inquire 
into  the  expediency  of  reporting  a  Tariff  bill  based  upon 
tho  principles  of  the  Tariff  of  1842. 


38       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

On  the  28th  of  July,  1848,  the  celebrated  bill  estab- 
lishing Territorial  governments  for  Oregon,  California  and 
Kew  Mexico,  the  peculiar  feature  of  which  was  a  provi- 
Bion  prohibiting  the  Legislatures  of  California  and  New 
Mexico  from  passing  laws  in  favor  of  or  against  slavery, 
and  providing  that  the  laws  of  the  Legislatures  should  be 
subject  to  the  sanction  of  Congress,  was  argued,  and  after 
an  exciting  debate,  laid  on  the  table,  Mr.  Lincoln  voting 
with  Mr.  Webster,  Mr.  Corwin,  and  other  illustrious  col- 
leagues for  this  disposition  of  the  bill. 

On  the  sixteenth  of  January,  18-i9,  Mr.  Lincoln  offered 
the  following  substitute  for  a  resolution  which  he  had 
voted  against,  not  being  satisfied  with  all  its  provisions  : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  the  District  of  Columbia 
oe  instructed  to  report  a  bill  in  substance,  as  follows  : 

"  Sec.  1.  Be  it  enacted  hy  the  Senate  and  House  of  Feipresen- 
tatives  of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  'Fhat  no  per- 
son not  now  within  the  District  of  Columbia,  nor  now  owned  by 
any  person  or  persons  now  resident  within  it,  nor  her«after  born 
within  it,  shall  ever  be  held  in  slavery  within  said  District. 

Sec.  2.  'i'hat  no  person  now  within  said  District,  or  now  owned 
by  any  person  or  persons  now  resident  within  the  same,  or  here- 
after born  within  it,  shall  ever  be  held  in  slavery  without  the 
limits  of  said  District:  Provided,  That  officers  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  being  citizens  of  the  slaveholding 
States,  coming  into  said  District  on  public  business,  and  remain- 
ing only  so  long  as  may  be  reasonably  necessary  for  that  object, 
may  be  attended  into  and  out  of  said  District,  and  while  there, 
by  the  necessary  servants  of  themselves  and  their  families,  with- 
out their  right  to  hold  such  servants  in  service  being  impaired. 

"  Sec.  3.  That  all  children  born  of  slave  mothers  within  said 
District,  on  or  after  the  1st  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  1850,  shall  be  free  ;  but  shall  be  reasonably  supported  and 
educated  by  the  respective  owners  of  their  mothers,  or  by  their 
heirs  or  representatives,  and  shall  serve  reasonable  service  as 
apprentices  to  such  owners,  heirs,  or  representatives,  until  they 

respectively  arrive  at  the  age  of years,  when  they  shall 

be  entirely  free:  And  the  municipal  authorities  of  Washington 
and  Georgetown,  within  their  respective  jurisdictional  limits, 
are  hereby  empowered  and  required  to  make  all  suitable  and 
necessary  provision  for  enforcing  obedience  to  this  section,  on 
the  part  of  both  masters  and  apprentices. 

"  Sec.  4.  That  all  persons  now  within  this  District,  lawfully 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       39 

hold  as  slaves,  or  now  owned  by  any  person  or  persons  now  resi- 
dent within  said  District,  shall  remain  such  at  the  will  of  their 
respective  owners,  their  heirs  or  legal  representatives  :  Pro- 
vided that  such  owner,  or  his  legal  representatives,  may  at  any 
time  receive  from  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States  the  full 
value  of  his  or  her  slave,  of  the  class  in  this  section  mentioned, 
upon  which  such  slave  shall  be  forthwith  and  forever  free  :  And 
provided  further,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the 
Secretary  of  State,  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  shall  be 
a  board  for  determining  the  value  of  such  slave-s  as  their  owners 
desire  to  emancipate  under  this  section,  and  whose  duty  it  shnll 
bo  to  hold  a  session  for  the  purpose  on  the  first  Monday  of  each 
calendar  month,  to  receive  all  applications,  and,  on  satisfactory 
evident  e  in  each  case  that  the  person  presented  for  valuation 
is  a  slave,  and  of  the  class  in  the  section  mentioned,  and  is 
owned  by  the  applicant,  shall  value  such  slave  at  his  or  her  full 
cash  value,  and  give  to  the  applicant  an  order  on  the  Treasury 
for  the  amount,  and  also  to  such  slave  a  certificate  of  freedom. 

"iSeco.  That  the  municipal  authorities  of  Washington  and 
Georgetown!,  within  their  respective  jurisdictional  limits,  are 
hereby  empowered  and  required  to  provide  active  and  efBcient 
means  to  arrest  and  deliver  up  to  their  owners  all  fugitive  slaves 
escaping  into  said  District. 

"Sec.  6.  'i'hiit  the  elective  oflBcers  within  said  District  of  Col- 
umbia are  hereby  empowered  and  requiied  to  open  polls  at  all 
the  usual  places  of  holding  elections,  on  the  first  Monday  of 
April  next,  and  receive  the  vote  of  every  free  white  male  citi- 
zen above  the  age  of  twenty-one  yeais,  having  resided  within 
said  District  for  the  period  of  one  year  or  more  next  preceding 
the  time  of  such  voting  for  or  against  this  act,  to  proceed  in 
taking  said  votes  in  all  respects  not  herein  specified,  as  at  elec- 
tions under  the  municipal  laws,  and  with  as  little  delay  as  pos- 
sible to  transmit  correct  statements  of  the  votes  so  cast  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States  ;  and  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the 
President  to  count  such  votes  immediately,  and  if  a  majority 
of  them  be  found  to  bo  for  this  act,  to  forthwith  issue  his  pro- 
clamation giving  notice  of  the  fact;  and  this  act  shall  only  be 
in  full  force  and  effect  on  and  after  the  day  of  such  procla- 
mation. 

''•"/S'ec.  7.  That  involuntary  servitude  for  the  punishment  of 
crim.e,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall 
in  nowise  be  prohibited  by  this  act. 

"  Sec.  8.  That  for  all  purposes  of  this  act,  the  jurisdictional 
limits  of  Washington  are  extended  to  all  parts  of  the  District 
of  Columbia  not  included  within  the  present  limits  of  George- 
town." 

We  have  given  a  sufiQcient  record  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  ser 
vices  as  a  Representative  in  Congress,  to  show  that  in  hia 


^ 


40       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

numerous  votes  and  remarks  upon  the  slavery  question, 
be  was  uniformly  consistent,  and  a  determined  opponent 
to  that  peculiar  institution  which,  Mr.  Corwin  truly  re- 
marked, was  an  exotic  that  blights  with  its  shade  the  soil 
in  which  it  is  planted.  He  with  almost  equal  determina- 
tion opposed  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  voted  more 
than  forty  different  times  in  favor  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso. 

BECOMES   A    DELEGATE    TO    THE    ISTATIOlffAli 
CONVEITTION    OF    1848. 

In  the  Whig  National  Convention  of  1848,  he  was  an 
active  delegate,  and  earnestly  advocated  the  selection  of 
General  Zachary  Taylor  as  the  nominee  for  the  Presiden- 
cy, and  during  the  canvass  which  followed,  he  traversed 
the  States  of  Indiana  and  Illinois,  speaking  in  behalf  of 
his  favorite  candidate  and  the  choice  of  his  party. 

HE    IS     NOMITTATED     FOR     UNITED     STATES 
SENATOR,    BUT    WITHDRAWS. 

In  1849  he  was  a  candidate  before  the  Legislature  of 
Illinois  for  United  States  Senator,  but  his  political  oppo- 
nents being  in  the  majority.  General  Shields  was  chosen. 
From  that  time  until  1854,  he  confined  himself  almost 
exclusively  to  the  practice  of  his  profession,  but  in  that 
year  he  again  entered  the  political  arena,  and  battled  inde- 
fatigably  in  the  celebrated  campaign  which  resulted  in 
victory  for  the  first  time  to  the  opposition  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  in  Illinois,  and  gave  that  State  a  Republican 
Legislature,  and  sent  Mr.  Trumbull  to  the  United  States 
Senate.  During  the  canvass,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  frequently 
brought  into  controversy  upon  the  stand  with  Stephen  A. 
Douglas,  one  of  the  discussions,  that  was  held  on  the  fourth 
of  October,  1854,  during  the  progress  of  the  annual  State 
Fair,  being  particularly  remarkable  as  the  great  discussion 
of  the  campaign. 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       41 

At  the  election  of  United  States  Senator,  nine-tenths  of 
the  majority  were  Whigs  and  in  favor  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and 
the  other  tenth  were  Democrats,  but  not  in  favor  of  voting 
for  a  Whig,  and  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  success  of 
a  man  whom  he  knew  was  opposed  to  the  Nebraska  bill, 
and  thus  preventing  the  election  of  a  third  person  who  had 
little  or  nothing  in  common  with  the  Republican  party, 
which  was  then  in  its  conception,  he  entreated  his  friends 
to  vote  for  Mr.  Trumbull.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  subsequently 
offered  the  nomination  for  Governor  of  Illinois,  but  de- 
clined the  honor  in  favor  of  Mr.  Bissell ;  was  also  pre- 
sented, but  ineffectually,  at  the  first  Kepublican  National 
Convention  for  Vice-President ;  and  at  the  next  Presi- 
dential election  headed  the  Fremont  electoral  ticket,  and 
labored  industriously  in  support  of  that  candidate. 

AGAIN  NOMINATED  FOR  THE  SENATE— HIS 
SPEECHES  IN  THE  CELEBRATED  LINCOLN- 
DOUGLAS    CAMPAIGN. 

On  the  second  of  June,  1858,  the  Republican  State 
Convention  met  at  Springfield,  and  nominated  Air.  Lin- 
coln as  their  candidate  for  the  United  States  Senate.  At 
the  close  of  their  proceedings  the  honored  recipient  of  their 
suffrage  delivered  a  speech,  which  was  a  forcible  exposi- 
tion of  the  views  and  aims  of  the  party  of  which  he  was 
to  be  the  standard-bearer. 

The  contest  which  followed  was  one  of  the  most  ex- 
citing and  remarkable  ever  witnessed  in  this  country.  Mr 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  his  opponent,  had  few  superiors  as 
a  political  debater,  and  while  he  had  made  many  enemies 
by  his  course  upon  the  Nebraska  bill,  his  personal  popu- 
larity had  been  greatly  increased  by  his  independence,  and 
by  the  opposition  manifested  to  him  by  the  Administra- 
tion. His  re-election,  however,  to  the  Senate  would 
have  been  equivalen'>  to  an  indorsement  of  his  acts  and 


42       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

views  bj  his  Commonwealth,  and  at  the  same  time 
would  hare  promoted  his  prospects  for  the  Presidential 
nomination.  The  Republicans,  therefore,  determined 
to  defeat  him  if  possible,  and  to  increase  the  probabiiiticn 
of  success  in  the  movement,  selected  Mr.  Lincoln  as  the 
man  who  was  most  certain  of  securing  the  election.  Illi- 
nois was  stumped  throughout  its  length  and  breadth  by 
both  candidates  and  their  respective  advocates,  and  the 
people  of  the  entire  country  watched  with  interest  the 
struggle.  From  county  to  county,  township  to  township, 
and  village  to  village,  the  two  leaders  travelled,  frequently 
in  the  same  car  or  carriage,  and  in  the  presence  of 
immense  crowds  of  men,  women  and  children — for  the 
wives  and  daughters  of  the  hardy  yeomanry  were  na- 
turally interested — face  to  face,  these  two  opposing  cham- 
pions arguecl  the  important  points  of  their  political  belief, 
and  contended  nobly  for  the  mastery. 

During  the  campaign,  Mr.  Lincoln  paid  the  following 
tribute  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence 

"These  cominunities,  (the  thirteen  colonies.)  by  their  repre- 
sentatives in  old  Independence  Hall,  said  to  the  world  of 
men,  '  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men  are 
born  equal  ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  in- 
alienable rights;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pur- 
suit of  happiness.'  This  was  their  majestic  interpretation  of  the 
economy  of  the  universe.  This  was  their  lofty,  and  wise,  and 
noble  understanding  of  the  justice  of  the  Creator  to  His  crea- 
tures. Yes,  gentlemen,  to  all  His  creatures,  to  the  whole  great 
family  of  man.  In  their  enlightened  belief,  nothing  stamped 
with  the  Divine  image  and  likeness  was  sent  into  the  world  to 
be  trodden  on,  and  degraded,  and  imbruted  by  its  fellows.  They 
grasped  not  only  the  race  of  men  then  living,  but  they  reached 
forward  and  seized  upon  the  furthest  posterity.  They  created 
a  beacon  to  guide  their  children  and  their  children's  children, 
a, id  the  countless  myriads  who  should  inhabit  the  earth  in  other 
ages.  Wise  statesmen  as  they  were,  they  knew  the  tendency  of 
prosperity  to  breed  tyrants,  and  so  they  established  these  great 
self-evident  truths  that  when,  in  the  distant  future,  some  man, 
some  faction,  some  interest,  should  set  up  the  doctrine  that  none 
but  rich  men,  or  none  but  white  men,  or  none  but  Anglo-Saxon 


LIFE  AND  SKRVTCES  OF  ATBUAnAM  LINCOLN.       4  \ 

white  men,  were  entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursrrrit  of  hap- 
piness, their  posterity  might  look  up  again  to  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  and  take  courage  to  renew  the  battle  which 
their  fathers  began,  so  that  truth,  and  justice  and  mercy,  and 
all  the  humane  and  Christian  virtues  might  not  be  extinguished 
from  the  land  ;  so  that  no  man  would  hereafter  dare  to  limit 
and  circumscribe  the  great  principles  on  which  the  temple  of 
liberty  was  being  built.  ^, 

"  Now,  my  countrymen,  if  you  have  been  taught  doctrines  ^' 

conflicting  with  the  great  landmarks  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence; if  you  have  listened  to  suggestions  which  would  take 
away  from  its  grandeur,  and  mutilate  the  fair  symmetry  of  its 
proportions  ;  if  you  have  been  inclined  to  believe  that  all  men 
are  not  created  equal  in  those  inalienable  rights  enumerated  by 
our  chart  of  liberty,  let  me  entreat  you  to  come  back — return  to 
the  fountain  whose  waters  spring  close  by  the  blood  of  the  Re- 
volution. Think  nothing  of  me,  take  no  thought  for  the  politi- 
cal fate  of  any  man  whomsoever,  but  come  back  to  the  truths 
that  are  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

"You  may  do  any  thing  with  me  you  choose,  if  you  will  but 
heed  these  sacred  principles.  You  may  not  only  defeat  me  for 
the  Senate,  but  you  may  take  me  and  put  me  to  death.  While 
pretending  no  indiflTerence  to  earthly  honors,  I  do  claim  to  be 
actuated  in  this  contest  by  something  higher  than  an  anxiety 
for  office.  I  charge  you  to  drop  every  paltry  and  insignificant 
thought  for  any  man's  success.  It  is  nothing  ;  I  am  nothing  ; 
Judge  Douglas  is  nothing.  But  do  not  destroy  that  immoiiai 
emblem  of  humanity — the  Dedaratiun  of  American  Independ- 
ence." 

PEN-PORTRAITS    OP    ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

As  we  have  stated,  the  exciting  struggle  was  watched 
with  intense  interest,  not  only  by  the  members  of  the 
respective  political  parties  of  which  the  two  orators  were 
recognized  leaders  and  champions,  but  by  that  portion  of 
the  different  communities  of  the  Union  who  do  not  gen- 
erally trouble  their  minds  with  political  contests.  Copious 
extracts  from  the  speeches  of  both  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Air. 
Douglas  were  published  in  the  journals  of  the  day,  and 
criticisms  of  the  orators  and  their  discussions  appeared  in 
the  leading  magazines  and  newspapers. 

From  some  of  the  latter  we  select  the  following,  for  the 
purpose  of  showing  in  what  estimation  the  talents  and 


44       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ability  of  the  honorable  subject  of  our  sketch  were  held 
at  the  time  of  which  we  now  more  particularly  speak,  and 
to  give  those  readers  of  this  work  who  have  not  had  the 
opportunity  to  see  Mr.  Lincoln,  an  idea  of  his  personal 
appearance : 

One  writer  gives  the  following  pen-portrait : 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  stands  six  feet  and  four  inches  high  in  his 
stockings.  His  frame  is  not  muscular,  but  gaunt  and  wiry; 
his  arms  are  long,  but  not  unreasonably  so  for  a  person  of 
his  height;  his  lower  limbs  are  not  disproportioned  to  his  body. 
In  walking,  his  gait,  though  firm,  is  never  brisk.  He  steps 
Blowly  and  deliberately,  almost  always  with  his  head  inclined 
forward,  and  his  hands  clasped  behind  his  back.  In  matters  of 
dress  he  is  by  no  means  precise.  Always  clean,  he  is  never 
fashionable;  he  is  careless,  but  not  slovenly.  In  manner  he  is 
remarkably  cordial,  and,  at  the  same  time,  simple.  His  polite- 
ness is  always  sincere,  but  never  elaborate  and  oppressive.  A 
warm  shake  of  the  hand,  and  a  warmer  smile  of  recognition,  are 
his  methods  of  greeting  his  friends.  At  rest,  his  features,  though 
those  of  a  man  of  mark,  are  not  such  as  belons-  to  a  handsome 
man  ;  but  when  his  fine  dark  gray  eyes  are  lighted  up  by  any 
emotion,  and  his  features  begin  their  play,  he  would  be  chosen 
from  among  a  crowd  as  one  who  had  in  him  not  only  the  kindly 
pentiments  which  women  love,  but  the  heavier  metal  of  which 
full-grown  men  and  Presidents  are  made.  His  hair  is  black,  and 
though  thin  is  wiry.  His  head  sits  well  on  his  shoulders,  but 
beyond  that  it  defies  description.  It  nearer  resembles  that  of 
Clay  than  that  of  Webster ;  but  it  is  unlike  either.  It  is  very 
large,  and,  phrenologically,  well  proportioned,  betokening  power 
in  all  its  developments.  A  slightly  Roman  nose,  a  Avide-cut 
mouth,  and  a  dark  complexion,  with  the  appearance  of  having 
been  weather-beaten,  complete  the  description. 

"  In  his  personal  habits,  Mr.  Lincoln  is  as  simple  as  a  child. 
He  loves  a  good  dinner,  and  eats  with  the  appetite  which  goes 
with  a  great  brain  ;  but  his  food  is  plain  and  nutritious.  He 
never  drinks  intoxicating  liquors  of  any  sort,  not  even  a  glass 
of  wine.  He  is  not  addicted  to  tobacco  in  any  of  its  shapes. 
He  never  was  accused  of  a  licentious  act  in  all  his  life.  He 
never  uses  profane  language. 

"A  friend  says  that  once,  when  in  a  towering  rage,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  eff'orts  of  certain  parties  to  perpetrate  a  fraud  on 
the  State,  he  was  heard  to  say:  '  They  sha'n't  do  it,  d — n  'em  !' 
but  beyond  an  expression  of  that  kind,  his  bitterest  feelings 
never  carry  him.  He  never  gambles;  we  doubt  if  he  ever  in- 
dulges in  any  games  of  chance.     He  is  particularly  cautious 


LIFE  AND  SEllVIOES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       io 

about  incurring  pecuniary  obligations  for  any  purpose  whatever, 
and  in  debt,  he  is  never  content  until  the  score  is  discharc^ed. 
We  presume  he  owes  no  man  a  dollar.  He  never  speculates. 
1'hc  rage  for  the  sudden  acquisition  of  wealth  never  took  hold 
of  him.  His  gains  from  his  profession  have  been  moderate,  but 
BufScient  for  his  purposes.  While  others  have  dreamed  of  gold, 
he  has  been  in  pursuit  of  knowledge.  In  all  his  dealings  he  has 
the  reputation  of  being  generous  but  exact,  and,  above  all,  re- 
ligiously honest.  He  would  be  a  bold  man  who  would  say  that 
Abraham  Lincoln  ever  wronged  any  one  out  of  a  cent,  or  ever 
spent  a  dollar  that  he  had  not  honestly  earned.  His  struggles 
iu  early  life  have  made  him  careful  of  money;  but  his  generosity 
with  his  own  is  proverbial.  He  is  a  regular  attendant  upon  re- 
ligious worship,  and  though  not  a  communicant,  is  a  pew-holder 
and  liberal  supporter  of  the  Presbyterian  Church,  in  Spring- 
field, to  which  Mrs.  Lincoln  belongs.  He  is  a  scrupulous  teller 
of  the  truth — too  exact  in  his  notions  to  suit  the  atmosphere  of 
Washington,  as  it  now  is.  His  enemies  may  say  that  he  tells 
Black  Republican  lies ;  but  no  man  ever  charged  that,  in  a  pro- 
fessional capacity,  or  as  a  citizen  dealing  with  his  neighbors,  he 
would  depart  from  the  Scriptural  command.  At  home,  he  lives 
like  a  gentleman  of  modest  means  and  simple  tastes.  A  good- 
Bized  house  of  wood,  simply  but  tastefully  furnished,  surrounded 
by  trees  and  flowers,  is  his  own,  and  there  he  lives,  at  peace  with 
himself,  the  idol  of  his  family,  and  for  his  honesty,  ability,  and 
patriotism,  the  admiration  of  his  countrymen." 

Another  person  gives  the  subjoined  sketch  of  him  : 

"In  personal  appearance,  Mr.  Lincoln,  or,  as  he  is  more 
familiarly  termed  among  those  who  know  him  best,  *  Old  Uncle 
Abe,'  is  long,  lean,  and  wiry.  In  motion  he  has  a  great  deal  of 
the  elasticity  and  awkwardness  which  indicates  the  rough  train- 
ing of  his  early  life,  and  his  conversation  savors  strongly  of 
Western  idioms  and  pronunciation.  His  height  is  six  feet  four 
inches.  His  complexion  is  about  that  of  an  octoroon  ;  his  face, 
without  being  by  any  means  beautiful,  is  genial-looking,  and  good 
humor  seems  to  lurk  in  every  corner  of  its  innumerable  angles. 
He  has  dark  hair  tinged  with  gray,  a  good  forehead,  small  eyes, 
a  long  penetrating  nose,  with  nostrils  such  as  Napoleon  always 
liked  to  find  in  his  best  generals,  because  they  indicated  a  long 
head  and  clear  thoughts ;  and  a  mouth,  which,  aside  from  being 
of  magnificent  proportions,  is  probably  the  most  expressive 
feature  cf  his  face. 

"As  a  speaker  he  is  ready,  precise,  and  fluent.  His  manner 
before  a  popular  assembly  is  as  he  pleases  to  make  it,  being 
either  superlatively  ludicrous,  or  very  impressive.  He  employs 
but  little  gesticulation,  but  when  he  desires  to  make  a  point,  pro- 
duces a  shrug  of  his  shoulders,  an  elevation  of  his  eyebrows,  a 


46       LIFE  AND  SF.KVTCES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN". 

depi'ossion  of  his  mouth,  ajid  a  goneral  malformation  of  connte- 
nance  so  comically  awkward  that  it  never  fails  to  '  brins:  down 
the  house.'  His  euunciatiou  is  slow  and  emphatic,  and  his  voice, 
t^hough  sharp  and  powerful,  at  timco  has  a  frequent  tendency  to 
dwindle  into  a  shrill  and  unpleasant  sound  ;  but  as  before  stated, 
the  peculiar  characteristic  of  his  delivery  is  the  remarkable  mo- 
bility of  his  features,  the  frequent  contortions  of  which  excite  a 
merriment  his  words  could  not  produce." 

A  third  says : 

"  In  perhaps  the  severest  test  that  could  have  been  applied 
to  any  man's  temper — his  political  contest  with  Senator  Doug- 
las in  1858 — Mr.  Lincoln  not  only  proved  himself  an  able  speaker 
and  a  good  tactician,  but  demonstrated  that  it  is  possible  to 
carry  on  the  fiercest  political  warfare  without  once  descending 
to  rude  personality  and  course  denunciation.  We  have  it  on 
the  authority  of  a  gentleman  who  followed  Abraham  Lincoln 
throughout  the  whole  of  that  campaign,  that,  in  spite  of  all  the 
temptations  to  an  opposite  course  to  which  he  was  continuously 
exposed,  no  personalities  against  his  opponent,  no  vituperation 
or  coarseness,  ever  defiled  his  lips.  His  kind  and  genial  nature 
lifted  him  above  a  resort  to  any  such  weapons  of  political  warfare, 
and  it  was  the  commonly-expressed  regret  of  fiercer  natures  that 
he  treated  his  opponent  too  courteously  and  urbanely.  Vulgar 
personalities  and  vituperation  are  the  last  thing  that  can  be 
truthfully  charged  against  Abraham  Lincoln.  His  heart  is  too 
genial,  his  good  sense  too  strong,  and  his  innate  self-respect  too 
predominant  to  permit  him  to  indulge  in  them.  His  nobility 
of  nature — and  we  may  use  the  term  advisedly — has  been  as 
manifest  throughout  his  whole  career  as  his  temperate  habits, 
his  self-reliance,  and  his  mental  and  intellectual  power." 

And  a  fourth,  a  distinguished  scholar,  after  listening  to 
a  speech  delivered  at  Galesburgh,  thus  wrote  : 

"The  men  are  entirely  dissinnlar.  Mr.  Douglas  is  a  thick  set, 
finely-built,  courageous  man,  and  has  an  air  of  self-coiifidence 
that  does  not  a  little  to  inspire  Ts  supporters  with  hope.  Mr. 
Lincoln  is  a  tall,  lank  man,  awkward,  apparently  diffident,  and 
when  not  speaking  has  neither  firmness  in  his  countenance  nor 
fire  in  his  eye. 

"Mr.  Lincoln  has  a  rich,  silvery  voice,  enunciates  with  great 
distinctness,  and  has  a  fine  command  of  language.  He  com- 
menced by  a  review  of  the  points  Mr.  Douglas  had  made.  In 
this  he  showed  great  tact,  and  his  retorts,  though  gentlemanly, 
were  sharp,  and  reached  to  the  core  the  subject  in  dispute. 
"While  he  gave  but  little  time  to  the  work  of  review,  we  did  not 
feel  that  any  thing  was  omitted  which  deserved  attention 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       47 

"He  then  proceeded  to  defend  the  Republican  party.  Here 
he  charged  Mr.  Douglas  with  doing  nothing  for  freedom;  with 
disregarding  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  colored  man  :  and 
for  about  forty  minutes  he  spoke  with  a  power  that  we  have 
seldom  heard  equalled.  There  was  a  grandeur  in  his  thoughts, 
a  comprehensiveness  in  his  arguments,  and  a  binding  force  in  his 
conclusions,  which  were  perfectly  irresistible.  The  vast  throng 
were  silent  as  death ;  every  eye  was  fixed  upon  the  speaker, 
and  all  gave  him  serious  attention.  He  was  the  tall  man  elo- 
quent;  his  countenance  glowed  with  animation,  and  his  eye 
glistened  with  an  intelligence  that  made  it  lustrous.  He  was  nc 
longer  awkward  and  ungainly;  but  graceful,  bold,  commanding 

"■  Mr.  Douglas  had  been  quietly  smoking  up  to  this  time ;  but 
here  he  forgot  his  cigar  and  listened  with  anxious  attention. 
When  he  rose  to  reply  he  appeared  excited,  disturbed,  and  his 
second  effort  seemed  to  us  vastly  inferior  to  his  first.  Mr.  Lin- 
coln had  given  him  a  great  task,  and  Mr.  Douglas  had  not  time 
to  answer  him,  even  if  he  had  the  ability." 

MR.  LINCOLK  DEFEATED  BY  MR.  DOUGLAS. 

The  election-day  at  IcDgth  arrived,  and  although  the 
efforts  of  Mr.  Lincoln  resulted  in  an  immense  increase  of 
the  Republican  vote,  whatever  aspirations  he  had  for  per- 
Bonal  success  were  frustrated.  A  vote  of  126,084  was 
cast  for  the  Republican  candidates,  121,940  for  the  Doug- 
las Democrats,  and  5,091  for  the  Lecompton  candidates, 
but  Mr.  Douglas  was  elected  United  States  Senator  by 
the  Legislature,  in  which  his  supporters  had  a  majority 
of  eight  on  joint  ballot. 

*  Although  defeated  in  the  hope  of  securing  Mr.  Lincoln 
as  their  representative  in  the  United  States  Senate,  the 
Republicans  were  not  discouraged,  and  from  that  time  de- 
termined that  their  favorite  leader  should  be  rewarded 
with  even  more  exalted  honors. 

IS  NAMED  FOR  THE  PRESIDENCY— EVIDENCE 
OF  HIS  SKILL  AS  A  RAIL-SPLITTER. 

He  was  immediately  mentioned   prominently  for   the 
Presidency,  and  at  a  meeting  of  the  Illinois  State  Repub- 
lican Convention,  where  he  was  present  as  a  spectator,  a 
9 


48       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


veteran  Democrat  of  Macon  county  brought  in  and  pre- 
Bented  to  the  Convention  two  old  fence-rails,  gayly  deco- 
rated with  flags  and  ribbons,  and  upon  which  the  follow- 
ing words  were  inscribed  : 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLiST, 

THE   RAIL  CANDIDATE 

FOR    PRESIDENT    IN    1860 

Two  rails  from  a  lot  of  3,000  made  in   1830,  by 

Thos.  Hanks  and  Abe  Lincoln — whose 

father  was  the  first  pioneer 

of  Macon  county. 


The  event  occasioned  the  most  unbounded  enthusiasm, 
and  for  several  minutes  the  most  deafening  applause  re- 
sounded through  the  building.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  vocifer- 
ously called  for,  and  arising  from  his  seat,  modestly  ac- 
knowledged that  he  had  split  rails  some  thirty  years  pre- 
vious in  Macon  county,  and  he  was  informed  that  those 
before  him  were  a  small  portion  of  the  product  of  his 
labor  with  the  axe. 

The  fame  of  the  able  advocate  of  Republican  principles 
induced  the  members  of  that  party  in  other  States  to  se- 
cure his  voice  and  influence  in  their  behalf,  and  in  -"lie  fall 
of  1859  he  made  several  efi'ective  speeches  in  favor  of  the 
cause. 

HIS  GREAT  SPEECH  AT  THE    COOPER   INSTI- 
TUTE, NEW  YORK. 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  February,  1860,  he  made  the 
following  forcible  speech  at  the  Cooper  Institute,  New 
York,  before  an  immense  audience  : 

"  Mr.  President  and  Fellow-citizens  of  New  Yorit  : 
The  facts  with  which  I  shall  deal  this  evening  are  mainlv  old 


LIFE  AKD  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       49 

and  familiar;  nor  is  there  any  things  new  in  the  general  use  I 
shall  make  of  them.  If  there  shall  be  any  novelty,  it  will  be  in 
the  mode  of  presenting  the  facts,  and  the  inferences  and  obser- 
vations following  that  presentation. 

"In  his  speech  last  autumn,  at  Columbus,  Ohio,  as  reported 
in  The  Neio  York  Times,  Senator  Douglas  said: 

" '  Our  fathers,  when  they  framed  the  Government  under 
which  we  live,  understood  this  question  j'lst  as  well,  and  evcE 
better  than  we  do  now.' 

"  I  fully  indorse  this  and  I  adopt  it  as  a  text  for  this  discourse 
I  so  adopt  it  because  it  furnishes  a  precise  and  agreed  starting 
point  for  the  discussion  between  Republicans  and  that  wing  of 
Democracy  headed  by  Senator  Douglas.  It  simply  leaves  the 
inquiry  :  '  What  was  the  understanding  those  fathers  had  of  the 
questions  mentioned  ?' 

"  What  is  the  frame  of  Government  under  which  we  live? 
"'i'he  answer  must  be:  'The  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.'  That  Constitution  consists  of  the  original,  framed  in 
1787  (and  under  which  the  present  Government  first  went  into 
operation),  and  twelve  subsequently  framed  amendments,  the  first 
ten  of  which  were  framed  in  1789. 

"  Who  were  our  fathers  that  framed  the  Constitution  ?  I  sup- 
pose the  '  thirty-nine' who  signed  the  original  instrument  may 
be  fairly  called  our  fathers  who  framed  that  part  of  the  present 
Government.  It  is  almost  exactly  true  to  say  they  framed  it, 
and  it  is  altogether  true  to  say  they  fairly  represented  the 
opinion  and  sentiment  of  the  whole  nation  at  that  time.  'J'heir 
names  being  familiar  to  nearly  all,  and  accessible  to  quite  all, 
need  not  now  be  repeated. 

*'  I  take  these  '  thirty-nine.'  for  the  present,  as  being  *  our 
fathers  who  framed  the  Government  under  which  we  live.' 

"What  is  the  question  which  according  to  the  text,  those 
fathers  understood  just  as  well,  and  even  better  than  we  do 
now  ? 

"It  is  this:  Does  the  proper  division  of  local  from  federal 
authority,  or  any  thing  in  the  Constitution,  forbid  our  Federal 
Government  control  as  to  slavery  in  our  Federal  Territories  ? 
"Upon  this,  Douglas  holds  the  affirmative,  and  Kepublicans 
the  negative.  This  affirmative  and  denial  form  an  issue  ;  and 
this  issue — this  question — is  precisely  what  the  text  declares 
our  fathers  understood  better  than  we. 

"  Let  us  now  inquire  whether  the  '  thirty-nine,'  or  any  of  them, 
ever  acted  upon  this  question  ;  and  if  they  did,  how  they  acted 
upon  it — how  they  expressed  that  better  understanding. 

"  In  1784 — three  years  before  the  Constitution — the  Unite<i 
States  then  owning  the  Northwestern  Territory,  and  no  other — ■ 
the  Congress  of  the  Confederation  had  before  them  the  question 
of  prohibiting  slavery  in  that  Territory;  and  four  of  the 
•thirty-nine'  who  afterward  framed  the  Constitution  were  in  tkpt 


5C       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN". 

CoJg  "ess,  and  voted  on  that  question.  Of  these,  Roger  Sher« 
majT,  thomas  Mifflin,  and  Hugh  Williamson  voted  for  the  pro- 
hibit! )Q — thus  showing  that,  in  their  understanding,  no  line 
dividit.gf  local  from  federal  authority,  nor  any  thing  else,  prop- 
erly fo.bade  the  Federal  Government  to  control  as  to  slavery  in 
feder&?>  territory.  The  other  of  the  four — James  McHenry — • 
voted  against  the  prohibition,  showing  that,  for  some  cause,  he 
thought  ic  improper  to  vote  for  it. 

"  in  ll^l,  still  before  the  Constitution,  but  while  the  Con- 
vention was  in  session  framing  it,  and  while  the  Northwestern 
Territory  siitil  was  the  only  territory  owmed  by  the  United  States 
— the  same  question  of  prohibiting  slavery  in  the  territory 
again  came  \>efore  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation  ;  and  three 
more  of  the  'thirty-nine'  who  afterward  signed  the  Constitution, 
were  in  that  Congress,  and  voted  on  the  question.  They  were 
William  Bloiii.t,  William  Few  and  Abraham  Baldwin  ;  and 
they  all  voted  ior  the  prohibition — thus  showing  that,  in  their 
understanding,  uo  line  dividing  local  from  federal  authority,  nor 
any  thing  else,  properly  forbids  the  Federal  Government  to 
control  as  to  sla»-riry  in  federal  territory.  This  time  the  pro- 
hibition became  a  \h\v,  being  part  of  what  is  now  well  known  as 
the  Ordinance  of  '8'i. 

"The  question  of  federal  control  of  slavery  in  the  territories, 
«eems  not  to  have  been  directly  before  the  Convention  which 
framed  the  original  'constitution  ;  and  hence  it  is  not  recorded 
that  the  '  thirty-nine'  ur  any  of  them,  while  engaged  on  that 
instrament,  expressed  any  opinion  on  that  precise  question. 

"In  1789,  by  the  firjfc  Congress  which  sat  under  the  Con- 
(Stitution,  an  act  was  passed  to  enforce  the  Ordinance  of  '87 
including  the  prohibition  ol'  slavery  in  the  Northwestern  Terri- 
tory. 'Che  bill  for  this  act  was  reported  by  one  of  the  '  thirty- 
ziine,'  Thomas  Fitzsimmons,  then  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Bepresentatives  from  Pennaylvania.  It  went  through  all  its 
stages  without  a  word  of  opposition,  and  finally  passed  both 
branches  without  yeas  and  nays,  which  is  equivalent  to  an  unani- 
mous passage.  In  this  Congress  there  were  sixteen  of  the 
'  thirty-nine'  fathers  who  framed  the  original  Constitution. 
They  were  John  Langdon,  Nicholas  Gilman,  Wm.  S,  Johnson, 
Roger  Sherman,  Robert  Morris,  Thos.  Fitzsimmons,  William 
Few,  Abraham  Baldwin,  Rufus  King,  AVilliara  Patterson, 
George  Clymer,  Richard  Bassett,  George  Read,  Pierce  Butler, 
JDaniel  Carrol,  James  Madison. 

"  This  shows  that,  in  their  understanding,  no  line  dividing  local 
from  federal  authority,  nor  any  thing  in  the  Constitution, 
properly  forbade  Congress  to  prohibit  slavery  in  the  federal 
eerkitory;  else  both  their  fidelity  to  correct  principle,  and  their 
©uih  to  support  the  Constitution,  would  have  constrained  them 
to  oppose  the  prohibition. 

"A^  Mij,  George  Washington,  another  of  the   '  thirty-nine, 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF"  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       51 

was  then  President  of  the  United  States,  and,  as  such,  approved 
and  signed  the  bill,  thus  completing  its  validity  as  a  law,  and 
thus  showing  that,  in  his  understanding,  no  line  dividing  local 
from  federal  authority,  nor  any  thing  in  the  Constitution,  for- 
bade the  Federal  Government  to  control  as  to  slavery  in  federal 
territory. 

"  No  great  while  after  the  adoption  of  the  original  Constitu- 
tion, North  Carolina  ceded  to  the  Federal  Government  the 
country  now  constituting  the  8tate  of  Tennessee  ;  and  a  few 
years  later  Georgia  ceded  that  which  now  constitutes  the  States 
of  Mississippi  and  Alabama.  In  both  deeds  of  cession  it  was 
made  a  condition  by  the  ceding  States  that  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment should  not  prohibit  slavery  in  the  ceded  country. 
Besides  this,  slavery  was  then  actually  in  the  ceded  country. 
Under  these  circumstances,  Congress,  on  taking  charge  of  these 
countries  did  not  absolutely  prohibit  slavery  within  them.  But 
they  did  interfere  with  it— take  control  of  it — even  there,  to  a 
certain  extent.  In  1798,  Congress  organized  the  Territory  of 
Mississippi.  In  the  act  of  organization  they  prohibited  the 
bringing  of  slaves  into  the  Territory,  from  any  place  without  the 
United  States,  by  fine  and  giving  freedom  to  slaves  so  brought. 
This  act  passed  both  branches  of  Congress  without  yeas  and 
nays.  In  that  Congress  were  three  of  the  '  thirty-nine'  who 
framed  the  original  Constitution.  They  were  John  Langdon, 
George  Read,  and  Abraham  Baldwin.  They  all,  probably, 
voted  for  it.  Certainly  they  would  have  placed  their  opposition 
to  it  upon  record,  if,  in  their  understanding,  any  line  dividing 
local  from  federal  authority,  or  any  thing  in  the  Constitution, 
properly  forbade  the  Federal  Government  to  control  as  to 
slavery  in  federal  territory. 

"In  1803,  the  Federal  Government  purchased  the  Louisiana 
country.  Our  former  territorial  acquisitions  came  from  certain 
of  our  own  States  ;  but  this  Louisiana  country  was  acquired 
from  a  foreign  nation.  In  1804,  Congress  gave  a  territorial 
organization  to  that  part  of  it  which  now  constitutes  the  State 
of  Louisiana.  New  Orleans,  lying  within  that  part,  was  an  old 
and  comparatively  large  city.  There  were  other  considerable 
towns  and  settlements,  and  slavery  was  extensively  and 
thoroughly  intermingled  with  the  people.  Congress  did  not,  in 
the  Territorial  Act,  prohibit  Slavery ;  but  they  did  interfere 
with  it — take  control  of  it — in  a  more  marked  and  extensive 
way  than  they  did  in  the  case  of  Mississippi.  The  substance 
of  the  provision  therein  made,  in  relation  to  slaves,  was  : 

''First.  That  no  slave  should  be  imported  into  the  territory 
from  foreign  parts. 

''Second.  That  no  slave  should  be  carried  into  it  who  had 
been  imported  into  the  United  States  since  the  first  day  of  May, 
1798. 

^' Third.  That  no  slave  should  be  carried  into  it,  except  by 


52       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

the  owner,  and  for  his  own  use  as  a  settler ;  the  penalty  in  all 
the  cases  being  a  fine  upon  the  violator  of  the  law,  and  freedom 
to  the  slave. 

"This  act  also  was  passed  without  yeas  and  nays.  In  the 
Congress  which  passed  it,  there  were  two  of  the  '  thirty-nine.' 
They  were  Abraham  Baldwin  and  Jonathan  Dayton.  As 
Btated  in  the  case  of  Mississippi,  it  is  probable  they  both  voted 
for  it.  They  would  not  have  allowed  it  to  pass  without  record- 
ing their  opposition  to  it,  if,  in  their  understanding,  it  violated 
either  the  line  proper  dividing  local  from  Federal  authority  or 
any  provision  of  the  Constitution. 

"  In  1819-20,  came  and  passed  the  Missouri  question.  Many 
votes  were  taken,  by  yeas  and  nays,  in  both  branches  of  Con- 
gress, upon  the  various  phases  of  the  general  question.  'J'wo 
of  the 'thirty-nine' — Rafus  King  and  Charles  Pinckney — were 
members  of  that  Congress,  Mr.  King  steadily  voted  for  slavery 
prohibition  and  against  all  compromises,  while  Mr.  Pinckney  aa 
steadily  voted  against  slavery  prohibition  and  against  all  cono- 
promises.  By  this  Mr.  King  showed  that,  in  his  understanding, 
no  line  dividing  local  from  Federal  authority,  nor  any  thing. in 
the  Constitution,  was  violated  by  Congress  prohibiting  slavery 
in  federal  territory  ;  while  Mr.  Pinckney,  by  his  votes,  showed 
that  in  his  understanding  there  was  some  sufficient  reason  for 
opposing  such  prohibition  in  that  case. 

"  The  cases  I  have  mentioned  are  the  only  acts  of  the  '  thirty- 
nine,'  or  of  any  of  them,  upon  the  direct  issue,  which  I  have 
been  able  to  discover. 

"To  enumerate  the  persons  who  thus  acted,  as  being  four  in 
1784,  three  in  1787.  seventeen  in  1789,  three  in  1798,  two  in 
1804,  and  two  in  1819-20 — there  would  be  thirty-one  of  them. 
But  this  would  be  counting  John  Langdon,  Roger  Sherman, 
"William  Few,  Rufus  King,  and  George  Read,  each  twice,  and 
Abraham  Baldwin  four  times.  The  true  number  of  those  of  the 
'thirty-nine'  whom  I  have  shown  to  have  acted  upon  the  ques- 
tion, which,  by  the  text  they  understood  better  than  we,  is 
twenty-three,  leaving  sixteen  not  shown  to  have  acted  upon  it 
in  any  way. 

"Here,  then,  we  have  twenty-three  out  of  our  'thirty-nine' 
fathers  who  framed  the  government  under  which  we  live,  who 
have,  upon  their  official  responsibility  and  their  corporal  oaths, 
acted  upon  the  very  question  which  the  text  affirms  they 'un- 
derstood just  as  well,  and  even  better  than  we  do  now  ;'  and 
twenty-one  of  them — a  clear  majority  of  the  '  thirty-nine' — so 
acting  upon  it  as  to  make  them  guilty  of  gross  political  impro- 
priety, and  wilful  perjury,  if,  in  their  understanding,  any  proper 
division  between  local  and  Federal  authority,  or  any  thing  in  the 
Concttitution  they  had  made  themselves,  and  sworn  to  support, 
forbade  the  Federal  government  to  control  as  to  slavery  in  the 
Federal  territories     T\us  the  twenty-one  acted ;  and,  as  actions 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       53 

Bpeak  louder  thaa  words,  so  actions  under  such  responsibility 
speak  still  louder. 

"Two  of  the  twenty-three  voted  against  Congressional  pro- 
hibition of  slavery  in  the  Federal  territories,  in  the  instances  in 
which  they  acted  upon  the  question.  But  for  what  reasons  they 
Bc  voted  is  not  known.  They  may  have  done  so  because  they 
thou;,fht  a  proper  division  of  local  from  Federal  authority,  or  some 
provision  or  principle  of  the  Constitution,  stood  in  the  way;  or 
they  may,  without  any  such  question,  have  voted  against  the  pro- 
hibition, on  what  appeared  to  them  to  be  sufficient  grounds  of  ex- 
pediency. No  one  who  has  sworn  to  support  the  Constitution,  can 
conscientiously  vote  for  what  he  understands  to  be  an  unconsti- 
tutional measure,  however  expedient  he  may  think  it;  but  one 
may  and  ought  to  vote  against  a  measure  which  he  deems  con- 
stitutional, if,  at  the  same  time,  he  deems  it  inexpedient.  It, 
therefore,  would  be  unsafe  to  set  down  even  the  two  who  voted 
against  the  prohibition,  as  having  done  so  because,  in  their  un- 
derstanding, any  proper  division  of  local  from  Federal  authority, 
or  any  thing  in  the  Constitution,  forbade  the  Federal  govern- 
ment to  control  as  to  slavery  in  Federal  territory. 

"The  remaining  sixteen  of  the  'thirty-nine,'  so  far  as  I  have 
discovered,  have  left  no  record  of  their  understanding  upon  the 
direct  question  of  Federal  control  of  slavery  in  the  Federal  ter- 
ritories. But  there  is  much  reason  to  believe  that  their  under- 
standing upon  that  question  would  not  have  appeared  different 
from  that  of  their  twenty-three  compeers,  had  it  been  manifested 
at  all. 

"  For  the  purpose  of  adhering  rigidly  to  the  text,  I  have  pur- 
posely omitted  whatever  understanding  may  have  been  mani- 
fested, by  any  person,  however  distinguished,  other  than  the 
*  thirty- nine'  fathers  who  framed  the  original  Constitution  ;  and, 
for  the  same  reason,  I  have  also  omitted  whatever  understanding 
may  have  been  manifested  by  any  of  the  'thirty-nine'  even,  on 
any  other  phase  of  the  general  question  of  slavery.  If  we  should 
look  into  their  acts  and  declarations  on  those  other  phases,  as  the 
foreign  slave-trade,  and  the  morality  and  policy  of  slavery  gen- 
erally, it  would  appear  to  us  that  on  the  direct  question  of  Fed- 
eral control  of  slavery  in  Federal  territories,  the  sixteen,  if  they 
had  acted  at  all,  would  probably  have  acted  just  as  the  twenty- 
three  did.  Among  that  sixteen  were  several  of  the  most  noted 
anti-slavery  men  of  those  times — as  Dr.  Franklin,  Alexander 
Hamilton,  and  Governeur  Morris — while  there  was  not  one  now 
known  to  have  been  otherwise,  unless  it  may  be  John  Rutledge, 
of  South  Carolina. 

"The  sum  of  the  whole  is,  that  of  our  'thirty-nine'  fathers 
who  framed  the  original  Constitution,  twenty-one — a  clear  ma- 
jority of  the  whole — certainly  understood  that  no  proper  division 
of  local  from  Federal  authority  nor  any  part  of  the  Constitutioo, 
f  )'bade  the  Federal  government  to  control  slavery  in  the  Fed- 


54:       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

eral  territories,  while  all  the  rest  probably  had  the  same  under- 
standing. Such,  unquestionably,  w&s  the  understanding  of  our 
fathers  who  framed  the  original  Constitution;  and  the  text 
affirms  that  they  understood  the  question  better  than  we. 

"But,  so  far,  I  have  been  considering  the  understanding  of 
the  question  manifested  by  the  framers  of  the  original  Constitu- 
tion. In  and  by  the  original  instrument,  a  mode  was  provided 
for  amending  it ;  and,  as  I  have  already  stated,  the  present 
frame  of  government  under  which  we  live  consists  of  that 
original,  and  twelve  amendatory  articles  framed  and  adopted 
Bince.  Those  who  now  insist  that  Federal  control  of  slavery  ia 
Federal  territories  violates  the  Constitution,  point  us  to  the 
provisions  which  they  suppose  it  thus  violates ;  and,  as  I  under- 
stand, they  all  fix  upon  provisions  in  these  amendatory  articles, 
and  not  in  the  original  instrument.  The  Supreme  Court,  in  the 
Dred  Scott  case,  plant  themselves  upon  the  fifth  amendment, 
which  provides  that  '  no  person  shall  be  deprived  of  property 
without  due  process  of  law  ;'  while  Senator  Douglas  and  his 
peculiar  adherents  plant  themselves  upon  the  tenth  amendment, 
providing  that  'the  powers  not  granted  by  the  Constitution  are 
reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  and  to  the  people.' 

"  Now,  it  so  happens  that  these  amendments  were  framed  by 
the  first  Congress  which  sat  under  the  Constitution — the  identi- 
cal Congress  which  passed  the  act  already  mentioned,  enforcing 
the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the  northwestern  territory.  Not 
only  was  it  the  same  Congress,  but  they  were  the  identical,  same 
individual  men  who,  at  the  same  session,  and  at  the  same  time 
within  the  session,  had  under  consideration,  and  in  progress 
toward  maturity,  these  Constitutional  amendments,  and  this  act 
prohibiting  slavery  in  all  the  territory  the  nation  then  owned. 
The  Constitutional  amendments  were  introduced  before,  and 
passed  after  the  act  enforcing  the  Ordinance  of  '87  ;  so  that 
during  the  whole  pendency  of  the  act  to  enforce  the  Ordinance, 
the  Constitutional  amendments  were  also  pending. 

"  That  Congress,  consisting  in  all  of  seventy-six  members,  in- 
cluding sixteen  of  the  framers  of  the  original  Constitution,  as 
before  stated,  were  pre-eminently  our  fathers  who  framed  that 
part  of  the  government  under  which  we  live,  which  is  now 
claimed  as  forbidding  the  Federal  government  to  control 
slavery  in  the  Federal  territories. 

"  Is  it  not  a  little  presumptuous  in  any  one  at  this  day  to 
affirm  that  the  two  things  which  that  Congress  deliberately 
framed,  and  carried  to  maturity  at  the  same  time,  are  absolutely 
inconsistent  with  each  other  ?  And  does  not  such  affirmation 
become  impudently  absurd  when  coupled  with  the  other  affirma- 
tion, from  the  same  mouth,  that  those  who  did  the  two  things 
alleged  to  be  inconsistent  understood  whether  they  really  were 
inconsistent  better  than  we — better  than  he  who  affirms  that 
thej  aro  inconsistent  ? 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       55 

"It  is  snrely  safe  to  assume  that  the  'thirty-nine'  framers  of 
the  oric^inal  Constitution,  and  the  seventy-six  members  of  tha 
Congress  which  framed  the  amendments  thereto,  taken  together, 
do  certa..nly  include  those  who  may  be  fairly  called  '  our  fathers 
who  framed  the  government  under  which  we  live.'  And  so  as- 
suming, I  defy  any  man  to  show  that  any  one  of  them  ever,  in 
his  whole  life,  declared  that,  in  his  understanding,  any  proi)er 
division  of  local  from  Federal  authority,  or  any  part  of  the  Con- 
stitution, forbade  the  Federal  government  to  control  as  to 
slavery  in  the  Federal  territories.  I  go  a  step  further.  I  defy 
any  one  to  sliow  that  any  living  man  in  the  whole  world  ever 
did,  prior  to  the  beginning  of  the  present  century  (and  1  might 
almost  say  prior  to  the  beginning  of  the  last  half  of  the  present 
century),  declare  that,  in  iiis  understanding,  any  proper  division 
of  local  from  Federal  authority,  or  any  part  of  the  Constitution, 
forbade  the  Federal  government  to  control  as  to  slavery  in  the 
Federal  territories.  To  those  who  now  so  declare,  I  give,  not 
only  '  our  fathers  who  framed  the  government  under  which  we 
live,'  but  with  them  all  other  living  men  within  the  century  in 
which  it  was  framed,  among  wdiom  to  search,  and  they  shall  not 
be  able  to  find  the  evidence  of  a  single  man  agreeing  with  them. 

"Now,  and  here,  let  me  guard  a  little  against  being  misun- 
derstood. I  do  not  mean  to  say  we  are  bound  to  follow  im- 
plicitly in  whatever  our  fathers  did.  To  do  so,  would  be  to 
discard  all  the  lights  of  current  experience — we  reject  all  prog- 
ress— all  improvement.  What  I  do  say  is,  that  if  we  would 
supplant  the  opinions  and  policy  of  our  fathers  in  any  case,  we 
should  do  so  upon  evidence  so  conclusive,  and  argument  so  clear, 
that  even  their  great  authority,  fairly  considered  and  weighed, 
cannot  stand  ;  and  most  surely  not  in  a  case  whereof  we  our- 
selves declare  they  understood  the  question  better  than  we. 

"If  any  man,  at  this  day,  sincerely  believes  that  a  proper 
division  of  local  from  Federal  authority,  or  any  part  of  the 
Constitution,  forbids  the  Federal  government  to  control  as  to 
slavery  in  the  Federal  territories,  he  is  right  to  say  so,  and  to 
enforce  his  position  by  all  truthful  evidence  and  fair  argument 
which  he  can.  But  he  has  no  right  to  mislead  others,  who  have 
less  access  to  history  and  less  leisure  to  study  it,  into  the  false 
belief  that  'our  fathers,  who  framed  the  government  under 
■which  we  live,'  were  of  the  same  opinion — thus  substituting  false- 
hood and  deception  for  truthful  evidence  and  fair  argument.  If 
any  man,  at  this  day,  sincerely  believes '  our  fathers,  who  framed 
the  government  under  which  we  live,'  used  and  applied  princi- 
ples, in  other  cases,  which  ought  to  have  led  them  to  understand 
that  a  proper  division  of  local  from  Federal  authority,  or  some 
part  of  the  Constitution,  forbids  the  Federal  government  to 
control  as  to  slavery  in  the  Federal  territories,  he  is  right  to  say 
80.  But  he  should,  at  the  same  time,  brave  the  responsibility 
©f  declaring  that,  iu  his  opinion,  he  understands  their  principlea 


56       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

better  than  they  did  themselves ;  and  especially  should  he  not 
shirk  that  responsibility  by  asserting  that  they  '  uoderstood  the 
question  just  as  well,  and  even  better  than  wo  do  noM'.' 

.''But  enough.  Let  all  who  believe  that  '  our  fathers,  who 
framed  the  government  under  which  we  live,  understood  this 
question  just  as  well,  and  even  better  than  we  do  now,'  speak  as 
they  spoke,  and  act  as  they  acted  upon  it.  This  is  all  Republi- 
cans ask,  all  Republicans  desire,  in  relation  to  slavery.  As 
those  fathers  marked  it,  so  let  it  be  again  marked,  as  an  evil  not 
to  be  extended,  but  to  be  tolerated  and  protected  only  because 
of  and  so  far  as  its  actual  presence  among  us  makes  that  tolera- 
tion and  protection  a  necessity.  Let  all  the  guaranties  those 
fathers  gave  it,  be,  not  grudgingly,  but  fully  and  fairly  main- 
tained. For  this  Republicans  contend,  and  with  this,  so  far  as 
I  know  or  believe,  thev  will  be  content. 

"And  now,  if  they  would  listen — as  I  suppose  they  will  not — 
I  would  address  a  few  words  to  the  Southern  people. 

"I  would  say  to  them  :  You  consider  yourselves  a  reasonable 
and  a  just  people  ;  and  I  consider  that,  in  the  general  qualities 
of  reason  and  justice,  you  are  not  inferior  to  any  other  people. 
Still,  when  you  speak  of  us  Republicans,  you  do  so  only  to  de- 
nounce us  as  reptiles,  or,  at  the  best,  as  no  better  than  outlaws. 
You  will  grant  a  hearing  to  pirates  or  murderers,  but  nothing 
like  it  to  '  Black  Republicans.'  In  all  your  contentions  with 
one  another,  each  of  you  deems  an  unconditional  condemnation 
of '  Black  Republicanism' as  the  first  thing  to  be  attended  to. 
Indeed,  such  condemnation  of  us  seems  to  be  an  indispensable 
prerequisite — license,  so  to  speak — among  you  to  be  admitted 
or  permitted  to  speak  at  all. 

"Now  can  you,  or  not,  be  prevailed  upon  to  pause  and  to 
consider  whether  this  is  quite  just  to  us,  or  even  to  yourselves? 

"Bring  forward  your  charges  and  specifications,  and  then  be 
patient  long  enough  to  hear  us  deny  or  justify. 

"  You  say  we  are  sectional.  We  deny  it.  That  makes  an 
issue  ;  and  the  burden  of  proof  is  upon  you.  You  produce  your 
proof;  and  what  is  it?  Why,  that  our  party  has  no  existence 
in  your  section — gets  no  votes  in  your  section.  The  fact  is  sub- 
stantially true  ;  but  does  it  prove  the  issue  ?  If  it  does,  then, 
in  case  we  should,  without  change  of  principle,  begin  to  get 
votes  in  your  section,  we  should  thereby  cease  to  be  sectional 
You  cannot  esc*ape  this  conclusion  ;  and  yet,  are  you  willing  to 
abide  by  it  ?  If  you  are,  you  wmU  probably  soon  find  that  we 
have  ceased  to  be  sectional,  for  we  shall  gee  votes  in  your  sec- 
tion this  very  year.  You  will  then  begin  to  discover,  as  the 
truth  plainly  is,  that  your  proof  does  not  touch  the  issue.  The 
fact  that  we  get  no  votes  in  your  section  is  a  fact  of  your 
making,  and  not  of  ours.  And  if  there  be  fault  in  that  fact, 
that  fault  is  primarily  yours,  and  remains  so  until  you  show  that 
we  repel  you  by  some  wrong  principle  or  practice.     If  we  do 


LfFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       57 

repel  you  by  any  wrong  principle  or  practice,  the  fault  is  ours  ; 
but  this  brings  us  to  where  you  ought  to  have  started — to  a  dis- 
cussion of  the  right  or  wrong  of  our  principle.  If  our  principle, 
put  in  practice,  would  wrong  your  section  for  the  benefit  of  ours, 
or  for  any  other  object,  then  our  principle,  and  we  with  it,  are 
sectional,  and  are  justly  opposed  and  denounced  as  such. 
Meet  us,  then,  on  the  question  of  whether  our  principle,  put  in 
practice,  would  wrong  your  section ;  and  so  meet  it  as  if  it  were 
possible  that  something  may  be  said  on  our  side.  Do  you  ac- 
cept the  challenge?  No?  Then  you  really  believe  that  the 
principle  which  our  fathers,  who  framed  the  government  under 
which  we  live,  thought  so  clearly  right  as  to  adopt  it,  and  indorse 
it  again  and  again  upon  their  official  oaths,  is,  in  fact,  so  clearly 
wrong  as  to  demand  your  condemnation  without  a  moment's 
consideration. 

"  Some  of  you  delight  to  flaunt  in  our  faces  the  warning 
against  sectional  parties  given  by  Washington  in  his  Farewell 
Address.  Less  than  eight  years  before  Washington  gave  that 
warning,  he  had,  as  President  of  the  United  States,  approved 
and  signed  an  act  of  Congress  enforcing  the  prohibition  of 
slavery  in  the  Northwestern  Territory,  which  act  embodied  the 
policy  of  the  government  upon  that  subject,  up  to  and  at  the 
very  moment  he  penned  that  warning ;  and  about  one  year  after 
he  penned  it  he  wrote  Lafayette  that  he  considered  that  prohi- 
bition a  wise  measure,  expressing,  in  the  same  connection,  his 
hope  that  we  should  some  time  have  a  confederacy  of  free 
States. 

"  Bearing  this  in  mind,  and  seeing  that  sectionalism  has  since 
arisen  upon  this  same  subject,  is  that  warning  a  weapon  in  your 
hands  against  us,  or  in  our  hands  against  you?  Could  AVash- 
ington  himself  speak,  would  he  cast  the  blame  of  that  sectional- 
ism upon  us,  who  sustain  his  policy,  or  upon  you,  who  repudiate 
it?  We  respect  that  warning  of  Washington,  and  we  commend 
it  to  you,  together  with  his  example  pointing  to  the  right  ap- 
plication of  it. 

*'  But  you  say  you  are  conservative — eminently  conservative — ■ 
while  we  are  revolutionary,  destructive,  or  something  of  the 
sort.  What  is  conservatism  ?  Is  it  not  adherence  to  the  old 
and  tried  against  the  new  and  untried  ?  We  stick  to,  contend 
for,  the  identical  old  policy  on  the  point  in  controversy  which 
was  adopted  by  our  fathers  who  framed  the  government  under 
which  we  live ;  while  you,  with  one  accord,  reject,  and  scout, 
and  spit  upon  that  old  policy,  and  insist  upon  substituting  some- 
thing new.  True,  you  dis.agree  among  yourselves  as  to  what 
that  substitute  shall  be.  You  have  considerable  variety  of  new 
propositions  and  plans,  but  you  are  unanimous  in  rejecting  and 
denouncing  the  old  policy  of  the  fathers.  Some  of  you  are  for 
reviving  the  foreign  slave-trade ;  some  for  a  Congressional 
Slave-Code  for  the  Territories ;   some  for  Congress  forbidding 


58       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

the  Territories  to  prohibit  slavery  within  their  limits;  some  for 
maintaining-  slavery  in  the  'i'erritories  through  the  Judiciary ; 
some  for  the  'gur-reat  pur-rinciple'  that,  *  if  one  man  would  en- 
slave another,  no  third  man  should  object,'  fantastically  called 
'  Popular  Sovereignty  ;'  but  never  a  man  among  you  in  favor  of 
Federal  prohibition  of  slavery  in  Federal  Territories,  according 
to  the  practice  of  our  fathers  who  framed  the  government  under 
which  we  live.  Not  one  of  all  your  various  plans  can  show  a 
precedent  or  an  advocate  in  the  century  within  which  our  go- 
vernment originated.  Consider,  then,  whether  your  claim  of 
conservatism  for  yourselves,  and  your  charge  of  destructiveness 
against  us,  are  based  on  the  most  clear  and  stable  foundations. 

"Again,  you  say  we  have  made  the  slavery  question  more 
prominent  than  it  formerly  was.  We  deny  it.  We  admit  that 
it  is  more  prominent,  but  we  deny  that  we  made  it  so.  It  wag 
not  we,  but  you,  who  discarded  the  old  policy  of  the  fathers. 
We  resisted,  and  still  resist,  your  innovation  ;  and  thence  comes 
the  greater  prominence  of  the  question.  Would  you  have  that 
question  reduced  to  its  former  proportions  ?  Go  back  to  that 
old  policy.  ^Vhat  has  been  will  be  again,  under  the  same  con- 
ditions. If  you  would  have  the  peace  of  the  old  times,  re-adopt 
the  precepts  and  policy  of  the  old  times. 

"You  charge  tliat  we  stir  up  insurrections  among  your  slaves. 
We  deny  it.  And  what  is  your  proof?  Harper's  Ferry  !  John 
Brown  !  John  Brown  was  no  llepublican  ;  and  you  have  failed 
to  implicate  a  single  Republican  in  his  Harper's  Ferry  enter- 
prise. If  any  member  of  our  party  is  guilty  in  that  matter,  you 
know  it,  or  you  do  not  know  it.  If  you  do  know  it,  you  are  in- 
excusable to  not  designate  the  man,  and  prove  the  fact.  If  you 
do  not  know  it,  you  are  inexcusable  to  assert  it,  and  especi- 
ally to  persist  in  the  assertion  after  you  have  tried  and  failed  to 
make  the  proof.  You  need  not  be  told  that  persisting  in  a 
charge  which  one  does  not  know  to  be  true  is  simply  malicious 
slander. 

"  Some  of  you  admit  that  no  Republican  designedly  aided  or 
encouraged  the  Harper's  Ferry  affair  ;  but  still  insist  that  our 
doctrines  and  declarations  necessarily  lead  to  such  results.  We 
do  not  believe  it.  We  know  we  hold  to  no  doctrine,  and  make 
DO  declarations  which  were  not  held  to  and  made  by  our  fathers 
who  framed  the  government  under  which  we  live.  You  never 
deal  fairly  by  us  in  relation  to  this  affair.  When  it  occurred, 
some  important  State  elections  were  near  at  hand,  and  you 
were  in  evident  glee  with  the  belief  that,  by  charging  the  blame 
upon  us,  you  could  get  an  advantage  of  us  in  those  elections. 
'J'he  elections  came,  and  your  expectations  were  not  quite  ful- 
filled. Every  Republican  man  knew  that,  as  to  himself,  at  least, 
your  charge  was  a  slander,  and  he  was  not  much  inclined  by  it 
to  cast  his  vote  in  your  favor.  Republican  doctrines  and  decla- 
rations are  accompanied  with  a  continual  protest  against  any 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       59 

interference  -whatever  with  your  slaves,  or  with  you  about  your 
slaves.  Surely,  this  does  not  encourage  them  to  revolt.  True, 
we  do,  in  common  with  our  fathers,  who  framed  the  government 
under  which  we  live,  declare  our  belief  that  slavery  is  wrong; 
but  the  slaves  do  not  hear  us  declare  even  this.  For  any  thing 
we  say  or  do,  the  slaves  would  scarcely  know  there  is  a  Repub- 
lican party.  I  believe  they  would  not,  in  fact,  generally  know- 
it  but  for  your  misrepresentations  of  us  in  their  hearing.  In 
your  political  contests  among  yourselves,  each  faction  charges 
the  other  with  sympathy  with  Black  Bepublicanisra;  and  then, 
to  give  point  to  the  charge,  defines  Black  Republicanism  to 
simply  be  insurrection,  blood  and  thunder  among  the  slaves. 

"  Slave  insurrections  are  no  more  common  now  than  they 
were  before  the  Republican  party  was  organized.  What  in- 
duced the  Southampton  insurrection,  twenty-eight  years  ago,  in 
which,  at  least,  three  times  as  many  lives  were  lost  as  at  Har- 
per's Ferry?  You  can  scarcely  stretch  your  very  elastic  fancy 
to  the  conclusion  that  Southampton  was  got  up  by  Black  Re- 
publicanism. In  the  present  state  of  things  in  the  United 
States,  I  do  not  think  a  general,  or  even  a  very  extensive  slave 
insurrection,  is  possible.  The  indispensable  concert  of  action 
cannot  be  attained.  The  slaves  have  no  means  of  rapid  com- 
munication ;  nor  can  incendiary  free  men,  black  or  white,  sup- 
ply it.  The  explosive  materials  are  everywhere  in  parcels  ;  but 
there  neither  are,  nor  can  be  supplied,  the  indispensable  con- 
necting trains. 

"  Much  is  said  by  southern  people  about  the  affection  of 
slaves  for  their  masters  and  unstresses  ;  and  a  part  of  it,  at  least, 
is  true.  A  plot  for  an  uprising  could  scarcely  be  devised  and 
communicated  to  twenty  individuals  before  some  one  of  them, 
to  save  the  life  of  a  favorite  muster  or  mistress,  would  divulge 
it.  This  is  the  rule  ;  and  the  slave  revolution  in  Hayti  was  not 
an  exception  to  it,  but  a  case  occurring  under  peculiar  circum- 
stances. The  gunpowder-plot  of  British  history,  though  not 
connected  with  the  slaves,  was  more  in  point.  In  that  case, 
Duly  about  twenty  were  admitted  to  the  secret ;  and  yet  one  of 
them,  in  his  anxiety  to  save  a  friend,  betrayed  the  plot  to  that 
friend,  and,  by  consequence,  averted  the  calamity.  Occasional 
poisonings  from  the  kitchen,  and  open  or  stealthy  assassinations 
in  the  held,  and  local  revolts  extending  to  a  score  or  so,  will 
continue  to  occur  as  the  natural  results  of  slavery;  but  no  gen- 
eral insurrection  of  slaves,  as  I  think,  can  happen  in  this  country 
for  a  long  time.  Whoever  much  fears,  or  much  hopes,  for  such 
an  event,  will  be  alike  disappointed. 

"  In  the  language  of  Mr,  Jefferson,  uttered  many  years  ago, 
*It  is  still  in  our  power  to  direct  the  process  of  emancipation, 
and  deportation,  peaceably,  and  in  such  slow  degrees,  as  that  the 
evil  will  wear  off  insensibly  ;  and  their  place  be,  'pari  passu^ 
filled  up  by  free  white  laborers.     If,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  left  t» 


60       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

force  itself  on,  human  nature  must  shudder  at  the  prospect 
held  up.' 

"  Mr.  Jefferson  did  not  mean  to  say,  nor  do  I,  that  the  powei 
of  emancipation  is  in  the  Federal  Government.  He  spoke  of 
Virginia  ;  and,  as  to  the  power  of  emancipation,  I  speak  of  the 
slaveholding  States  only. 

"The  Federal  Government,  however,  as  we  insist,  has  the 
power  of  restraining  the  extension  of  the  institution — the  power 
to  insure  that  a  slave  insurrection  shall  never  occur  on  any 
American  soil  which  is  now  free  from  slavery. 

"  John  Brown's  effort  was  peculiar.  It  was  not  a  slave  insur- 
rection. It  was  an  attempt  by  white  men  to  get  up  a  revolt 
among  slaves,  in  which  the  slaves  refused  to  participate.  In 
fact,  it  was  so  absurd  that  the  slaves,  with  all  their  iguoranca, 
saw  plainly  enough  it  could  not  succeed.  That  affair,  in  its 
philosophy,  corresponds  with  the  many  attempts,  related  in  his- 
tory, at  the  assassination  of  kings  and  emperors.  An  enthusiast 
broods  over  the  oppression  of  a  people  till  he  fancies  himself 
commissioned  by  Heaven  to  liberate  them.  He  ventures  the 
attempt,  which  ends  in  little  else  than  in  his  own  execution. 
Orsini's  attempt  on  Louis  Napoleon,  and  John  Brown's  attempt 
at  Harper's  Ferry  were,  in  their  philosophy,  precisely  the  same. 
The  eagerness  to  cast  blame  on  old  England  in  the  one  case, 
and  on  New  England  in  the  other,  does  not  disprove  the  same- 
ness of  the  two  things. 

"And  how  much  would  it  avail  you,  if  you  could,  by  the  use 
of  John  Brown,  Helper's  book,  and  the  like,  break  up  the  Re- 
publican organization  ?  Human  action  can  be  modified  to  some 
extent,  but  human  nature  cannot  be  changed.  There  is  a  judg- 
ment and  a  feeling  against  slavery  in  this  nation,  which  cast  at 
least  a  million  and  a-balf  of  votes.  You  cannot  destroy  that 
judgment  and  feeling — that  sentiment— by  breaking  up  the  poli- 
tical organization  which  rallies  around  it.  You  can  scarcely 
scatter  and  disperse  an  army  which  has  been  formed  into  order 
in  the  face  of  your  heaviest  fire  ;  but  if  you  could,  how  much 
would  you  gain  by  forcing  the  sentiment  which  created  it  out 
of  the  peaceful  channel  of  the  ballot-box,  into  some  other  chan- 
nel ?  What  would  that  other  channel  probably  be  ?  Would  the 
number  of  John  Browns  be  lessened  or  enlarged  by  the 
operation. 

"  But  you  will  break  up  the  Union  rather  than  submit  to  a 
denial  of  your  Constitutional  rights. 

"  That  has  a  somewhat  reckless  sound  ;  but  it  would  be  pal- 
liated, if  not  fully  justified,  were  we  proposing,  by  the  mere 
force  of  numbers,  to  deprive  you  of  some  right  plainly  written 
down  in  the  Constitution.     But  we  are  proposing  no  such  thing. 

"When  you  make  these  declarations,  you  have  a  specific  and 
well-understood  allusion  to  an  assumed  Constitutional  right  of 
yours,  to  take  slaves  into  the  federal  territories,  and  hold  them 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN*;      61 

tkere  as  property.  But  no  such  right  is  specifically  written  in 
the  Constitution.  That  instrument  is  literally  silent  about  any 
such  right.  We,  on  the  contrary,  deny  that  such  a  right  has 
any  existence  in  the  Constitution,  even  by  implication. 

"  Your  purpose,  then,  plainly  stated,  is,  that  you  will  destroy 
the  Government,  unless  you  be  allowed  to  construe  and  enforce 
the  Constitution  as  you  please,  on  all  points  in  dispute  between 
you  and  us.     You  will  rule  or  ruin  in  all  events. 

"  This,  plainly  stated,  is  your  language  to  us.  Perhaps  you 
will  say  the  Supreme  Court  has  decided  the  disputed  Constitu- 
tional question  in  your  favor.  Not  quite  so.  But  waiving  the 
lawyer's  distinction  between  dictum  and  decision,  the  Courts 
have  decided  the  question  for  you  in  a  sort  of  way.  The  Courts 
have  substantially  said,  it  is  your  Constitutional  right  to  take 
slaves  into  the  Federal  Territories,  and  to  hold  them  there  as 
property. 

"  When  I  say  the  decision  was  made  in  a  sort  of  way,  I  mean 
it  was  made  in  a  divided  Court  by  a  bare  majority  of  the  Judges, 
and  they  not  quite  agreeing  with  one  another  in  the  reasons  for 
making  it ;  that  it  is  so  made  as  that  its  avowed  supporters 
disagree  with  one  another  about  its  meaning,  and  that  it  was 
mainly  based  upon  a  mistaken  statement  of  fact — the  statement 
in  the  opinion  that  '  the  right  of  property  in  a  slave  is  distinctly 
and  expressly  affirmed  in  the  Constitution.' 

"  An  inspection  of  the  Constitution  will  show  that  the  right 
of  property  in  a  slave  is  not  distinctly  and  expressly  affirmed  in 
it.  Bear  in  mind  the  Judges  do  not  pledge  their  judicial 
opinion  that  such  right  is  impliedly  affirmed  in  the  Constitution  ; 
but  they  pledge  their  veracity  that  it  is  distinctly  and  expressly 
affirmed  there — 'distinctly'  that  is,  not  mingled  with  any  thing 
else — '  expressly'  that  is,  in  words  meaning  just  that,  without 
the  aid  of  any  inference,  and  susceptible  of  no  other  meaning. 

"  If  they  had  only  pledged  their  judicial  opinion  that  such 
right  is  affirmed  in  the  instrument  by  implication,  it  would  be 
open  to  others  to  show  that  neither  the  word  '  slave'  nor  '  sla- 
very' is  to  be  found  in  the  Constitution,  nor  the  word  '  property' 
even,  in  any  connection  with  language  alluding  to  the  thinga 
slave,  or  slavery,  and  that  wherever  in  that  instrument  the  slave 
is  alluded  to,  he  is  called  a  '  person  ;'  and  wherever  his  master's 
legal  right  in  relation  to  him  is  alluded  to,  it  is  spoken  of  as 
*  serT^.ce  or  labor  due,'  as  a  '  debt'  payable  in  service  or  labor. 
AlsO;  it  would  be  open  to  show,  by  contemporaneous  history, 
that  this  mode  of  alluding  to  slaves  and  slavery,  instead  of 
speaking  of  them,  was  employed  on  purpose  to  exclude  from  the 
Constitution  the  idea  that  there  could  be  property  in  man. 

"  To  show  all  this  is  easy  and  certain. 

"  When  this  obvious  mistake  of  the  Judges  shall  be  brought 
to  their  notice,  is  it  not  reasonable  to  expect  that  they  will 
withdraw  the  mistaken  statement,  and  reconsider  the  conclusion 
based  upon  it  ? 


62       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN, 

''And  then  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  '  our  fathers,  who 
framed  the  Government  under  which  wo  live' — the  men  who 
made  the  Constitution — decided  this  same  Constitutional  question 
in  our  favor,  long  ago — decided  it  without  a  division  among  them- 
selves,  when  making  the  decision  ;  without  division  among 
themselves  about  the  meaning  of  it  after  it  was  made,  and  so 
far  as  any  evidence  is  Ictt,  without  basing  it  upon  any  mistal^en 
statement  of  facts. 

''  Under  all  these  circumstances,  do  you  really  feel  yourselves 
justified  to  break  up  this  Government,  unless  such  a  court 
decision  as  yours  is,  shall  beat  once  submitted  to,  as  a  conclusive 
and  final  rule  of  political  action. 

"  But  you  will  not  abide  the  election  of  a  Republican  Presi- 
dent. In  that  supposed  event,  you  say,  you  will  destroy  the 
Union  ;  and  then,  you  say,  the  great  crime  of  having  destroyed 
it  will  be  upon  us  ! 

"  That  is  cool.  A  highwayman  holds  a  pistol  to  my  ear,  and 
mutters  through  his  teeth, '  stand  and  deliver,  or  I  shall  kill  you, 
and  then  you  will  be  a  murderer  !' 

"To  be  sure,  what  ^he  robber  demanded  of  me — my  money — 
was  my  own  ;  and  I  had  a  clear  right  to  keep  it ;  but  it  was  no 
more  my  own  than  my  vote  is  my  own  ;  and  threat  of  death  to 
me,  to  extort  my  money,  and  threat  of  destruction  to  the 
Union,  to  extort  my  vote,  can  scarcely  be  distinguished  in 
principle. 

"A  few  words  now  to  Republicans.  It  is  exceedingly  desira- 
ble that  all  parts  of  this  great  Confederacy  shall  be  at  peace, 
and  in  harmony,  one  with  another.  Let  us  Republicans  do  our 
part  to  have  it  so.  Even  though  much  provoked,  let  us  do 
nothing  through  passion  and  ill  temper.  Even  though  the 
Bouthern  people  will  not  so  much  as  listen  to  us,  let  us  calmly 
consider  their  demands,  and  yield  to  them  if,  in  our  deliberate 
view  of  our  duty,  we  possibly  can.  Judging  by  all  they  say  and 
do,  and  by  the  subject  and  nature  of  their  controversy  with  us, 
let  us  determine,  if  we  can,  what  will  satisfy  them  ? 

"  Will  they  be  satisfied  if  the  Territories  be  unconditionally 
surrendered  to  them  ?  We  know  they  will  not.  In  all  their 
present  complaints  against  us,  the  Territories  are  scarcely 
mentioned.  Invasions  and  insurrections  are  the  rage  now. 
Will  it  satisfy  them  if,  in  the  future,  w^e  have  nothing  to  do  with 
invasions  and  insurrections?  We  know  it  will  not.  We  so 
know  because  we  know  we  never  had  any  thing  to  do  with 
invasions  and  insurrections  ;  and  yet  this  total  abstaining  does 
not  exempt  us  from  the  charge  and  the  denunciation. 

"  The  question  recurs,  what  will  satisfy  them  ?  Simply  this  : 
We  must  not  only  let  them  alone,  but  we  must,  somehow,  con- 
vince them  that  we  do  let  them  aione.  This,  we  know  by 
experience,  is  no  easy  task.  We  have  been  so  trying  to 
convince  them    from  the  very  beginning  of  our  c  rganization. 


.^"^ 


LIFE  AND  SEKVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       63 

but  with  no  success,  In  all  our  platforms  and  speeches  we  have 
constantly  protested  our  purpose  to  let  them  alone;  but  this 
has  had  no  tendency  to  convince  them.  Alike  unavailing  to 
convince  them  is  the  fact  that  they  have  never  detected  a  man 
of  us  in  any  attempt  to  disturb  them. 

"These  natural,  and  apparently  adequate  means  all  failing, 
■what  will  convince  them  ?  This,  and  this  only  :  cease  to  call 
slavery  wrong,  and  join  them  in  calling  it  rtght.  And  this  must 
be  done  thoroughly — done  in  acts  as  well  as  in  words.  Silence 
will  not  be  tolerated — we  must  place  ourselves  avowedly  with 
them.  Douglas's  new  sedition  law  must  be  enacted  and  en- 
forced, suppressing  all  declarations  that  slavery  is  wrong, 
whether  made  in  politics,  in  presses,  in  pulpits,  or  in  private. 
We  must  arrest  and  return  their  fugitive  slaves  with  greedy 
pleasure.  We  must  pull  down  our  Free-State  Constitu- 
tions. The  whole  atmosphere  must  be  disinfected  from  all 
taint  of  opposition  to  slavery,  before  they  will  cease  to  believe 
that  all  their  troubles  proceed  from  us. 

"  I  am  quite  aware  they  do  not  state  their  case  precisely  in 
this  way.  Most  of  them  would  probably  say  to  us,  '  Let  uo 
alone,  do  nothing  to  us,  and  say  what  you  please  about  slavery.' 
But  we  do  let  them  alone — have  never  disturbed  them — so  that, 
after  all,  it  is  what  we  say,  which  dissatisfies  them.  They  will 
continue  to  accuse  us  of  doing,  until  we  cease  saying. 

"  I  am  also  aware  they  have  not,  as  yet,  in  terms  demanded 
the  overthrow  of  our  Free-State  Constitutions.  Yet  those 
Constitutions  declare  the  wrong  of  slavery,  with  more  solemn 
emphasis,  than  do  all  other  sayings  against  it ;  and  when  all 
these  other  sayings  shall  have  been  silenced,  the  overthrow  of 
these  Constitutions  will  be  demanded,  and  nothing  be  left  to 
resist  the  demand.  It  is  nothing  to  the  contrary,  that  they  do 
not  demand  the  whole  of  this  just  now.  Demanding  what 
they  do,  and  for  the  reason  they  do,  they  can  voluntarily  stop 
nowhere  short  of  this  consummation.  Holding,  as  they  do, 
that  slavery  is  morally  right,  and  socially  elevating,  they  cannot 
cease  to  demand  a  full  national  recognition  of  it,  as  a  legal 
right,  and  a  social  blessing. 

"Nor  can  we  justifiably  withhold  this,  on  any  ground  save 
our  conviction  that  slavery  is  wrong.  If  slavery  is  right,  all 
words,  acts,  la-jvs,  and  constitutions  against  it,  are  themselvea 
•wrong,  and  should  be  silenced,  and  swept  away.  If  it  is  right, 
we  canTiCTi,  justly  object  to  its  nationality — its  universality  ;  if  it 
is  wrong,  they  cannot  justly  insist  upon  its  extension — its 
enlargement.  All  they  ask,  we  could  readily  grant,  if  we 
thought  slavery  right ;  all  we  ask,  they  could  as  readily  grant, 
if  they  thought  it  wrong.  Their  thinking  it  right,  and  our 
thinking  it  wrong,  is  the  precise  fact  upon  which  depends  the 
whole  controversy.  Thinking  it  right,  as  they  do,  they  are  not 
1,0  blame  for  desiring  its  full  recognition,  as  being  right ;  but, 
4 


64       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

thinking  it  wrong,  as  we  do,  can  we  yield  to  them  ?  Can  we 
cast  our  votes  with  their  view,  and  against  our  own  ?  In  view 
of  our  moral,  social,  and  political  responsibilities,  can  we  do  this  1 

"  Wrong  as  we  think  slavery  is,  we  can  yet  afford  to  let  i* 
alone  where  it  is,  because  that  much  is  due  to  the  necessity 
arising  from  its  actual  presence  in  the  nation  ;  but  can  we, 
while  our  votes  will  prevent  it,  allow  it  to  spread  into  the 
National  Territories,  and  to  overrun  us  here  in  these  Free 
States? 

"If  our  sense  of  duty  forbids  this,  then  let  us  stand  by  our 
duty,  fearlessly  and  effectively.  Let  us  be  diverted  by  none  of 
those  sophistical  contrivances  wherewith  we  are  so  industriously 
Dlled  and  belabored — contrivances  such  as  gropiug  for  some 
middle  ground  between  the  right  and  the  wrong,  vain  as  the 
search  for  a  man  who  should  be  neither  a  living  man  nor  a  dead 
man — such  as  a  policy  of  *  don't  care'  on  a  question  about 
which  all  true  men  do  care — such  as  Union  appeals  beseeching 
true  Union  men  to  yield  to  Disunionists,  reversing  the  divine 
rule,  and  calling,  not  the  sinners,  but  the  righteous  to  repen- 
tance— such  as  invocations  to  Washington,  imploring  men  to 
unsay  what  Washington  said,  and  undo  what  Washington  did. 

"  Neither  let  us  be  slandered  from  our  duty  by  false  accusations 
against  us,  not  frightened  from  it  by  menaces  of  destruction  to 
the  Government,  nor  of  dungeons  to  ourselves.  Let  us  have 
faith  that  right  makes  might,  and  in  that  faith,  let  us,  to  the  end, 
dare  to  do  our  duty,  as  we  understand  it." 

IS  NOMINATED  FOR  PRESIDENT  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES  BY  THE  REPUBLICAN  CON- 
VENTION. 

On  the  sixteenth  of  May,  1860,  the  Republican  National 
Convention  assembled  in  Chicago,  for  the  purpose  of 
nominating  candidates  for  the  Presidency  and  Yice-Presi- 
dency.  The  first  day  was  spent  in  organizing,  and  the 
second,  in  adopting  rules  for  the  government  of  the  Con- 
vention and  the  platform  of  the  party,  and  on  the  third, 
the  body  proceeded  to  ballot  for  the  two  candidates. 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  nominated  for  President  by  Mr.  Judd, 
of  Illinois,  and  on  the  first  ballot,  received  102  votes,  Mr. 
Seward  receiving,  on  the  same  ballot,  17 3 J  votes,  and  the 
balance  being  divided  between  the  other  candidates.  On 
the  second  ballot,  the  vote  stood  :  Lincoln,  181 ;  Seward, 
184J;  and  on  the  third,  Mr.  Lincoln  received  230^  votes, 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       65 

or  within  one  and  one-half  of  a  nomination.  One  of  the 
delegates  then  changed  four  votes  of  his  State,  giving  them 
to  Mr.  Lincoln,  thus  nominating  him,  and  then,  amid  a 
scene  of  the  most  intense  excitement,  vote  after  vote  was 
changed  to  the  successful  candidate,  until  at  length  the 
nomination  was' made  unanimous.  The  selection  was  re- 
ceived by  the  Republican  voters  of  the  country  with  the 
most  unbounded  enthusiasm,  and  immediate  preparations 
were  made  for  an  arduous  campaign.  The  antecedents 
of  their  standard-bearer  w^ere  of  such  an  honorable  and 
noble  character,  that  they  felt  convinced  the  different  fac- 
tions among  the  opposition — indeed,  all  who  were  inspired 
more  by  patriotism  than  party  predilections — would  sup- 
port him  in  the  canvass  and  at  the  ballot-box.  The  ar- 
chitect of  his  own  fortunes,  he  had  raised  himself  from 
obscurity  to  eminence  and  distinction.  Born  in  a  floorlesa 
log-cabin,  in  a  Kentucky  wilderness  ;  the  child  of  humble 
and  uneducated,  but  Christian  parents ;  and  with  no  edu- 
cation save  that  received  during  six  months  tuition  in  an 
unpretending  school-house,  and  from  attentive  study  at 
home  by  the  light  of  a  log  fire,  Abraham  Lincoln,  by  his 
indefatigable  perseverance  and  energy,  rapidly  rose  from 
one  position  of  trust  and  responsibility  to  another,  until 
he  attained  the  nomination  of  a  great  political  party  for 
the  highest  office  in  the  gift  of  the  American  people. 

IS    NOTIFIED    OF    HIS    NOMINATION— THE 
ADDRESSES    ON    THE    OCCASION. 

The  committee  appointed  by  the  Convention  to  notify 
Mr.  Lincoln  of  his  nomination,  performed  their  duty 
without  delay,  and  upon  arriving  at  his  residence  in 
Springfield,  whither  they  were  escorted  by  an  immense 
concourse  of  citizens,  the  President  of  the  Convention 
addressed  the  nominee  as  follows ; 


66       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


SPEECH    OF    THE    PRESIDENT    Ol^    THE    CON- 

VEKTIOJSr. 

"I  have,  sir,  the  honor,  in  behaU"  of  the  geutlemen  who  arc 
present,  a  Committee  appointed  by  the  Republican  Convention, 
recently  assembled  at  Chicago,  to  discharge  a  most  pleasant 
duty.  We  have  come,  sir,  under  a  vote  of  instructions  to  that 
Committee,  to  notify  you  that  you  have  been  selected  by  the 
Convention  of  the  Kepublicans  at  Chicago,  for  President  of  tho 
United  States.  They  instruct  us,  sir,  to  notify  you  of  that 
selection,  and  that  Committee  deem  it  not  only  respectful  to 
yourself,  but  appropriate  to  the  important  matter  which  they 
have  in  hand,  that  they  should  come  in  person,  and  present  to 
you  the  authentic  evidence  of  the  action  of  that  Convention  ; 
and,  sir,  without  any  phrase  which  shall  either  be  considered 
personally  plauditory  to  yourself,  or  which  shall  have  any  refer- 
ence to  the  principles  involved  in  the  questions  which  are  con- 
nected with  your  nomination,  I  desire  to  present  to  you  the 
letter  which  has  been  prepared,  and  which  informs  you  of  tho 
nomination,  and  with  it  the  platform,  resolutions  and  sentiments, 
which  the  Convention  adopted.  Sir,  at  your  convenieuce,  we 
shall  be  glad  to  receive  from  you  such  a  response  as  it  may  bo 
your  pleasure  to  give  us." 

BEPLY    OF    MR.    LINCOLN. 

In  response,  Mr.  Lincoln  said : 

^'Mr.  Chairman  and  Gerdlemen  of  the  Committee:  I  tender 
to  you,  and  through  you  to  the  Republican  National  Convention, 
and  all  the  people  represented  in  it,  my  profoundest  thanks  for 
the  high  honor  done  me,  which  you  now  formally  announce. 
Deeply,  and  even  painfully  sensible  of  th^  great  responsibility 
which  is  inseparable  from  this  high  honor — a  responsibility 
which  I  could  almost  wish  had  fallen  upon  some  one  of  the  far 
more  eminent  men  and  experienced  statesmen  whose  distin- 
guished names  were  before  the  Convention,  I  shall,  by  your 
leave,  consider  more  fully  the  resolutions  of  the  Convention, 
denominated  the  platform,  and  without  unnecessary  or  unrea- 
sonable delay,  respond  to  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  writing,  not 
doubting  that  the  platform  will  be  found  satisfactory,  and  the 
nomination  gratefully  accepted.  And  now  I  will  not  longer 
defer  the  pleasure  of  taking  you,  and  each  of  you,  by  the  baud." 

CORRESPONDENCE    BETWEEN  THE   CONVEN- 
TION   AND    MB.    LINCOLN. 

The  following  letter  was  addressed  to  Mr.  Lincoln  by 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       67 

the  President  of  the  Convention,  and  a  committee  ap- 
pointed for  that  purpose  : 

"CmcAGO,  Ilai/  I8th,  1860. 
"  To  THE  Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois. 

"  Sir  :  The  representatives  of  the  Ecpnblican  party  of  the 
United  States,  assembled  in  Convention  at  Chicago,  have  this 
day  by  a  unanimous  vote,  selected  you  as  the  Kepublicau  can- 
didate for  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States  to  be 
supported  at  the  next  election  ;  and  the  undersigned  were  ap- 
pointed a  Committee  of  the  Convention  to  apprise  you  of  this 
nomination,  and  respectfully  to  request  that  you  will  accept  it. 
A  declaration  of  the  principles  and  sentiments  adopted  by  the 
Convention  accompanies  this  communication. 

"  In  the  performance  of  this  agreeable  duty  we  take  leave  to 
add  our  confident  assurance  that  the  nomination  of  the  Chicago 
Convention  will  be  ratified  by  the  suffrages  of  the  people. 

"  We  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect  and  regard, 
your  friends  and  fellow-citizens.'^ 

On  the  23d,  Mr.  Lincoln  addressed  the  following  letter 
to  the  President  of  the  Convention  : 

*'  Springfikld,  Illinois,  May  23rd,  1860. 

•*  Hon.  GeorOxE  Ashman,  President  of  the  Republican  National 
''Convention. 

"Sir:  I  accept  the  nomination  tendered  me  by  the  Conven- 
tion over  which  you  presided,  and  of  which  I  am  formally  ap- 
prised in  the  letter  of  yourself  and  others,  acting  as  a  Commit- 
tee of  the  Convention  for  that  purpose. 

"The  declaration  of  principles  and  sentiments,  which  accom- 
panies your  letter,  meets  my  approval  ;  and  it  shall  be  my  care 
not  to  violate,  or  disregard  it,  in  any  part. 

"  Imploring  the  assistance  of  Divine  Providence,  and  with 
due  regard  to  the  views  and  feelings  of  all  who  were  represented 
in  the  Convention  ;  to  the  rights  of  all  the  States  and  Territo- 
ries, and  people  of  the  nation  ;  to  the  inviolability  of  the  Con- 
stitution, a^J  the  perpetual  union,  harmony  and  prosperity  of 
all,  I  am  most  happy  to  co-operate  for  the  practical  success  of 
vhe  principles  declared  by  the  Convention, 

"  Your  obliged  friend  and  fellow-citizen, 

"  Abraham  Lincoln." 

On  the  sixth  of  November,  1860,  the  election  for  President 
took  place,  with  the  following  result :  Mr.  Lincoln  received 
<t91,2'75  over  Mr.  Douglas  ;   1,018,499  over  Mr.  Brecken- 


68       LIKE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ridge,   and   1,275,821  over  Mr.   Bell ;  and  the  vote  wa3 
subsequently  proclaimed  by  Congress  to  be  as  follows  : 

For  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois 180 

For  John  C.  Breckeii ridge,  of  Kentucky 72 

For  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee 39 

For  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  of  Illinois 12 

To  describe  the  various  movements  and  projects  which 
w^ere  devised  and  consummated  in  the  South  between  the 
time  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected  and  the  date  of  his  in- 
auguration, would  require  a  much  larger  work  than  that 
which  we  now  offer  to  the  public,  and  we  will  therefore 
confine  our  account  merely  to  those  which  it  is  unavoid- 
ably necessary  to  mention.  The  principal  and  most  dia- 
bolical plot  conceived  and  recommended  by  the  traitors, 
was  to  prevent  the  inauguration  by  obtaining  possession 
of  the  Federal  Capital,  or  by  assassinating  Mr.  Lincoln 
while  on  his  way  thither,  or  upon  the  day  that  the  cere- 
monies were  to  take  place.  Whatever  may  have  been  the 
plan,  or  however  large  the  reward  offered  to  the  villain 
who  would  accomplish  the  murderous  deed,  the  object  of 
their  vindictiveness  escaped  their  machinations,  and  still 
continues  to  administer  the  government  wisely  and  faith- 

fully. 

LEAVES    SPRINGPIELD    FOR    WASHINGTON  — 
OVATIONS  ON  THE  ROUTE. 

The  President  Elect  left  his  home  in  Springfield,  Illinois, 
on  the  eleventh  of  February,  1861,  for  Washington,  having 
before  leaving  the  depot  addressed  the  following  words 
of  farewell  to  the  thousands  of  his  fellow-citizens  who  haa 
assembled  at  the  place  of  departure  : 

"  My  friends  :  No  one  not  in  my  position  can  appreciate  the 
sadness  I  feel  at  this  parting.  To  this  people  I  owe  all  that  I 
nm.  Here  I  have  lived  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century.  Here 
my  children  were  born,  and  here  one  of  them  lies  buried.  I 
know  not  how  soon  I  shall  see  you  again.     A  duty  devolves 


LIFE  AiVD  SBli VICES  0¥  ABRAHAM  LINGOL^T.       69 

upon  me  which  is  perhaps  greater  than  that  which  has  devolved 
upon  any  other  man  since  the  days  of  Washington.  He  never 
would  have  succeeded  except  for  the  aid  of  Divine  Providence, 
upon  which  he  at  all  times  relied.  I  feel  that  I  cannot  succeed 
without  the  same  Divine  aid  which  sustained  him,  and  in  tho 
same  Almighty  Being  I  place  my  reliance  for  support;  and  I 
hope  you,  my  friends,  will  all  pray  that  I  may  receive  that 
Divine  assistance,  without  which  I  cannot  succeed,  but  with 
which  success  is  certain.  Again,  I  bid  you  all  an  affectionate 
farewell." 

Along  the  route,  multitudes  assembled  at  the  railway 
stations  to  greet  him.  At  Toledo,  in  response  to  repeated 
calls,  Mr.  Lincoln  appeared  on  the  platform  and  said  : 

**  I  am  leaving  you  on  an  errand  of  national  importance,  at- 
tended, as  you  are  aware,  with  considerable  difficulties.  Let  us 
believe,  as  some  poet  has  expressed  it,  '  Behind  the  cloud  the 
Bun  is  shining  still.'     I  bid  you  an  affectionate  farewell." 

He  next  proceeded  to  Indianapolis,  where  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  welcomed  by  the  Governor  of  the  State,  and  escorted 
by  a  procession  composed  of  botb  Houses  of  the  Legis- 
lature, the  public  officers,  municipal  authorities,  military, 
and  firemen.  On  reaching  the  Hotel  he  addressed  the 
people  as  follows : 

"Fellow-ctftzens  of  the  State  of  Indiana  :  I  am  here  to  thank 
you  much  for  this  magnificent  welcome,  and  still  more  for  the 
very  generous  support  given  by  your  State  to  that  political 
cause,  which  I  think  is  the  true  and  just  cause  of  the  whole 
country  and  the  whole  world.  Solomon  says  'there  is  a  time  to 
keep  silence ;'  and  when  men  wrangle  by  the  mouth,  with  no 
certainty  that  they  mean  the  same  thing  while  using  the  same 
words,  it  perhaps  were  as  well  if  they  would  keep  silence.  The 
words  'coercion' and  'invasion'  are  much  used  in  these  days, 
and  often  with  some  temper  and  hot  blood.  Let  us  make  sure,  if 
we  can,  that  we  do  not  misunderstand  the  meaning  of  those  who 
use  them.  Let  us  get  the  exact  definitions  of  these  words,  not 
from  dictionaries,  but  from  the  men  themselves,  who  certainly 
deprecate  the  things  they  would  represent  by  the  use  of  the 
words.  What,  then,  is  'coercion  ?'  What  is  'invasion  ?'  Would 
the  marching  of  an  army  into  South  Carolina,  without  the  con- 
sent of  her  people,  and  with  hostile  intent  towards  them,  be  in- 
vasion ?  I  certainly  think  it  would,  and  it  would  be  *  coercion' 
also  if  the  South  Carolinians  were  forced  to  submit.  But  if  the 
United  States  should  merely  hold  and  retake  its  own  forts  and 
other  property,  and  collect  the  duties  on  foreign  importations, 


70       LIFE  A.ND  SERVICES  OF  ABKAHAM  LINCOLN. 

or  even  withhold  the  mails  from  places  where  they  were  habit- 
ually violated,  would  any  or  all  of  these  tbing-s  be  '  invasion'  or 
'coercion?'  Do  our  professed  lovers  of  the  Union,  but  who 
spitefully  resolve  that  they  will  resist  coercion  and  invasion,  un- 
derstand that  such  things  as  these,  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  would  be  coercion  or  invasion  of  a  State  ?  If  so,  their 
idea  of  means  to  preserve  the  object  of  their  great  affection 
would  seem  to  be  exceedingly  thin  and  airy.  If  sick,  the  little 
pills  of  the  homoeopathist  would  be  much  too  large  for  it  to 
swallow.  In  their  view,  the  Union,  as  a  family  relation,  would 
seem  to  be  no  regular  marriage,  but  rather  a  sort  of  '  free-love' 
arrangement,  to  be  maintained  on  passional  attraction.  By  the 
way,  in  what  consists  the  special  sacredness  of  a  State  ?  I 
speak  not  of  the  position  assigned  to  a  State  in  the  Union  by 
the  Constitution,  for  that  is  the  bond  we  all  recognize.  That 
position,  however,  a  State  cannot  carry  out  of  the  Union  with 
it.  I  speak  of  that  assumed  primary  right  of  a  State  to  rule 
all  which  is  less  than  itself,  and  to  ruin  all  which  is  larger  than 
itself.  If  a  State  and  a  County,  in  a  given  case,  should  be 
equal  in  extent  of  territory  and  equal  in  number  of  inhabitants, 
in  what,  as  a  matter  of  principle,  is  the  State  better  than  the 
County?  Would  an  exchange  of  name  be  an  exchange  of 
rights  ?  Upon  what  principle,  upon  what  rie-htful  principle,  may 
a  State,  being  no  more  than  one-fiftieth  part  of  the  nation  in 
soil  and  population,  break  up  the  nation,  and  then  coerce  a  pro- 
portionably  larger  subdivision  of  itself  in  the  most  arbitrary 
way?  What  mysterious  right  to  play  tyrant  is  conferred  on  a 
district  of  country  with  its  people,  by  merely  calling  it  a  State  ? 
Fellow-citizens,  I  am  not  asserting  any  thing.  I  am  merely 
asking  questions  for  you  to  consider.  And  now  allow  me  to  bid 
you  farewell." 

Proceeding  to  Cincinnati,  he  received  a  most  enthusi- 
astic welcome.  Having  been  addressed  by  the  mayor  of 
the  city,  and  escorted  by  a  civic  and  military  procession 
to  the  Burnet  House,  he  addressed  the  assemblage  in 
these  words  : 

"Fellow-citizens  :  I  have  spoken  but  once  before  this  in  Cin- 
cinnati. That  was  a  year  previous  to  the  late  Presidential  elec- 
tion. On  that  occasion,  in  a  playful  manner,  but  with  sincere 
words,  I  addressed  much  of  what  I  said  to  the  Kentuckians.  1 
gave  my  opinion  that  we,  as  Republicans,  would  ultimately  beat 
them  as  Democrats,  but  that  they  could  postpone  the  result 
longer  by  nominating  Senator  Douglas  for  the  Presidency  than 
they  could  in  any  other  way.  They  did  not,  in  any  true  sense 
of  the  word,  nominate  Mr.  Douglas,  and  the  result  has  come 
certainly  as  soon  as  ever  I  expected. 


LIFE  AND  SEKVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       71 

"  I  also  told  them  how  I  expected  they  would  be  treated  after 
they  should  have  been  beaten,  and  now  wish  to  call  their  atten- 
tion to  what  I  then  said  : 

"  '  When  we  do,  as  we  say  we  will,  beat  you,  you  perhaps 
want  to  know  what  we  will  do  with  you.  I  will  tell  you — as  far 
as  I  am  authorized  to  speak  for  tlie  opposition — what  we  mean 
to  do  with  you.  AVe  mean  to  treat  you  as  near  as  we  possibly 
can,  as  Washington,  Jefferson,  and  Madison  treated  you.  Wo 
mean  to  leave  you  alone,  and  in  no  way  to  interfere  with  your 
institutions;  to  abide  by  all  and  every  compromise  of  the  Con- 
stitution. In  a  word,  coming  back  to  the  original  proposition, 
to  treat  you,  as  far  as  degenerate  men — if  we  have  degenerated 
— may,  according  to  the  example  of  those  noble  fathers,  Wash- 
ington, Jefferson,  and  Madison.  We  mean  to  remember  that 
yon  are  as  good  as  we  ;  that  there  is  no  difference  between  us 
othur  than  the  difference  of  circumstances.  We  mean  to  recog- 
nize and  bear  in  mind  always  that  you  have  as  good  hearts  in 
your  bosoms  as  other  people,  or  as  we  claim  to  have,  and  to 
treat  you  accordingly.' 

"  Fellow-citizens  of  Kentucky,  friends,  brethren  :  May  I  call 
you  such?  In  my  new  position  I  see  no  occasion  and  feel  no 
inclination  to  retract  a  word  of  this.  If  it  shall  not  be  made 
good  be  assured  that  the  fault  shall  not  be  mine.' 

In  the  evening  he  bad  a  reception,  when  large  crowds 
called  upon  him. 

On  the  next  morning  he  left  Cincinnati,  and  arrived  at 
Columbus,  where  he  was  received  with  every  demonstra- 
tion of  enthusiasm.  He  visited  the  Governor  in  the  Ex- 
ecutive Chamber,  and  was  subsequently  introduced  to  the 
members  of  the  Legislature  in  joint  session,  when  he  was 
formally  welcomed  by  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  to  whom 
Mr.  Lincoln  responded  in  these  words : 

"  It  is  true,  as  has  been  said  by  the  President  of  the  Senate, 
that  very  great  responsibility  rests  upon  me  in  the  position  to 
which  the  votes  of  the  American  people  have  called  me.  I  am 
deeply  sensible  of  that  weighty  responsibility.  I  cannot  but 
know,  what  you  all  know,  that  without  a  name — perhaps  without 
a  reason  why  I  should  have  a  name — there  has  fallen  upon  me  a 
task  such  as  did  not  rest  upon  the  Father  of  his  Country.  And 
so  feeling,  I  cannot  but  turn  and  look  for  the  support  without 
which  it  will  be  impossible  for  me  to  perform  that  great  task 
I  turn,  then,  and  look  to  the  American  people,  and  to  that  God 
who  has  never  forsaken  them. 

"Allusion  has  been  made  to  the  interest  felt  in  relation  to  the 
policy  of  the  new  Administration.     In  this,  I  have  received 


V2       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

from  some  a  degree  of  credit  for  havinp:  kept  silence,  from 
others  some  depreciation.  I  still  think  I  was  right.  In  the 
varying  and  repeatedly  shifting  scenes  of  the  present,  without  a 
precedent  which  could  enable  me  to  judge  for  the  past,  it  has 
seemed  fitting,  that  before  speaking  upon  the  difficulties  of  the 
country  I  should  have  gained  a  view  of  the  whole  field.  To  be 
sure,  after  all,  I  would  be  at  liberty  to  modify  and  change  the 
course  of  policy  as  future  events  might  make  a  change 
necessary. 

"  I  have  not  maintained  silence  from  any  want  of  real  anxiety. 
It  is  a  good  thing  that  there  is  no  more  than  anxiety,  for  there 
is  nothing  going  wrong.  It  is  a  consoling  circumstance  that 
when  we  look  out  there  is  nothing  that  really  hurts  anybody. 
We  entertain  different  views  upon  political  questions,  but 
nobody  is  suffering  any  thing.  This  is  a  most  consoling  circum- 
stance, and  from  it  I  judge  that  all  we  want  is  time  and  patience, 
and  a  reliance  on  that  God  who  has  never  forsaken  this  people." 

On  the   1 4th  of  February,  Mr.   Lincoln  proceeded  to 

Pittsburgh.     At  Steubenville,  on  the  route,  in  reply  to  an 

address,  he  said  : 

"  I  fear  the  great  confidence  placed  in  my  ability  is  un- 
founded. Indeed,  I  am  sure  it  is.  Encompassed  by  vast  diffi- 
culties, as  I  am,  nothing  shall  be  wanted  on  my  part,  if 
sustained  by  the  American  people  and  God.  I  believe  the 
devotion  to  the  Constitution  is  equally  great  on  both  sides  of 
the  river.  It  is  only  the  different  understanding  of  that  instru- 
ment that  causes  difficulties.  The  only  dispute  is  '  What  are 
their  rio;hts  ?'  If  the  majority  should  not  rule  who  should  be 
the  judge  ?  Where  is  such  a  judge  to  be  found  ?  We  should 
all  be  bound  by  the  majority  of  the  American  people — if  not, 
then  the  minority  must  control.  Would  that  be  right  ?  Would 
it  be  just  or  generous?  Assuredly  not."  He  reiterated,  the 
majority  should  rule.  If  he  adopted  a  wrong  policy,  then  the 
opportunity  to  condemn  him  would  occur  in  four  years'  time. 
*'  Then  I  can  be  turned  out  and  a  better  man  with  better  views 
put  in  my  place." 

The  next  morning  he  left  for  Cleveland,  but  before  his 

departure  he  made  an  address  to  the  people  of  Pittsburgh, 

in  which  he  said : 

"  In  every  short  address  I  have  made  to  the  people,  and  in 
every  crowd  through  which  I  have  passed  of  late,  some  allusion 
has  been  made  to  the  present  distracted  condition  of  the  coun- 
try. It  is  naturally  expected  that  I  should  say  something  upon 
this  subject,  but  to  touch  upon  it  at  all  would  iuvolye  an 
elaborate  discussion  of  a  great  many  questions  and  circum. 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       73 

stances,  would  require  more  time  than  I  can  at  present  com- 
mand, and  would  perhaps  unnecessarily  commit  me  upon  matters 
which  have  not  yet  fully  developed  themselves. 

''The  condition  of  the  country,  fellow-citizens,  is  an  extra- 
ordinary one,  and  fills  the  mind  of  every  patriot  with  anxiety 
and  solicitude.  My  intention  is  to  give  this  subject  all  the  con- 
sideration which  I  possibly  can  before  I  speak  fully  and 
definitely  in  reo::ard  to  it,  so  that,  when  I  do  speak,  I  may 
be  as  nearly  right  as  possible.  And  when  I  do  speak,  fellow- 
citizens,  1  hope  to  say  nothing  in  opposition  to  the  spirit  of  the 
Constitution,  contrary  to  the  integrity  of  the  Union,  or  which 
will  in  any  way  prove  inimical  to  the  liberties  of  the  people  or 
to  the  peace  of  the  whole  country.  And,  furthermore,  when 
the  time  arrives  for  me  to  speak  on  this  great  subject,  I  hope  to 
say  nothing  which  will  disappoint  the  reasonable  expectations 
of  any  man,  or  disappoint  the  people  generally  throughout  the 
country,  especially  if  their  expectations  have  been  based  upon 
any  thing  which  I  may  have  heretofore  said. 

"  Notwithstanding  the  troubles  across  the  river,  [the  speaker, 
smiling,  pointed  southwardly  to  the  Monongahela  Kiver,]  there 
is  really  no  crisis  springing  from  any  thing  in  the  Government 
itself.  In  plain  words,  there  is  really  no  crisis  except  an  arti- 
ficial one.  What  is  there  now  to  warrant  the  condition  of 
affairs  presented  by  our  friends  'over  the  river'?  Take  even 
their  own  view  of  the  questions  involved,  and  there  is  nothing 
to  justify  the  course  which  they  are  pursuing.  I  repeat  it,  then, 
there  is  no  crisis,  except  such  a  one  as  may  be  gotten  up  at 
any  time  by  turbulent  men,  aided  by  designing  politicians. 
]S1y  advice,  then,  under  such  circumstances,  is  to  keep  cool.  If 
the  great  American  people  will  only  keep  their  temper  on  both 
sides  of  the  line,  the  trouble  will  come  to  an  end,  and  the  ques- 
tion which  now  distracts  the  country  will  be  settled  just  as 
surely  as  all  other  difficulties  of  like  character  which  have 
originated  in  this  Government  have  been  adjusted.  Let  the 
people  on  both  sides  keep  their  self-possession,  and  just  as  other 
clouds  have  cleared  away  in  due  time,  so  will  this,  and  this 
great  nation  shall  continue  to  prosper  as  heretofore." 

He  then  referred  to  the  subject  of  the  tariff,  and  said  : 

"  According  to  my  political  education,  I  am  inclined  to  be- 
lieve that  the  people  in  the  various  portions  of  the  country 
should  have  their  own  views  carried  out  through  their  represen- 
tatives in  Congress.  That  consideration  of  the  Tariff  bill  should 
not  be  postponed  until  the  next  session  of  the  National  Legisla- 
ture. No  subject  should  engage  your  representatives  more 
closely  than  that  of  the  tariff.  If  I  have  any  recommendation 
to  make,  it  will  be  that  every  man  who  is  called  upon  to  serve 
the  people,  in  a  representative  capacity,  should  study  the  whole 


74       LIFJS  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  WJIOOLIf. 

subject  thoroughly,  as  I  intend  to  do  myself,  looking  to  all  the 
varied  interests  of  the  common  country,  so  that,  when  the  time 
for  action  arrives,  adequate  protection  shall  be  extended  to  the 
coal  and  iron  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  corn  of  Illinois.  Permit 
me  to  express  the  hope  that  this  important  subject  may  receive 
such  consideration  at  tho  hands  of  your  representatives  that  the 
interests  of  do  part  of  the  country  may  be  overlooked,  but  that 
all  sections  may  share  in  the  common  benefits  of  a  just  and 
equitable  tariff." 

Mr.  Lincoln,  upon  his  arrival  in  Cleveland,  adverted  to 
the  same  subject  in  the  following  terms  : 

"  It  is  with  you,  the  people,  to  advance  the  great  cause  of  the 
Union  and  the  Constitution,  and  not  with  any  one  man.  It 
rests  with  you  alone.  This  fact  is  strongly  impressed  on  my 
mind  at  present.  In  a  community  like  this,  wnuse  appearance 
testifies  to  their  intelligence,  I  am  convinced  that  the  cause  of 
liberty  and  the  Union  can  never  be  in  danger.  Frequent  allu- 
sion is  made  to  the  excitement  at  present  existing  in  national 
politics.  I  think  there  is  no  occasion  for  any  excitement.  The 
crisis,  as  it  is  called,  is  altogether  an  artificial  crisis.  In  all 
parts  of  the  nation,  there  are  differences  of  opinion  in  politics. 
There  are  differences  of  opinion  even  here.  You  did  not  all 
vote  for  the  person  who  now  addresses  you.  And  how  is  it  with 
those  who  are  not  here?  Have  they  not  all  their  rights  as  they 
ever  had  ?  Do  they  not  have  their  fugitive  slaves  returned  now 
as  ever  ?  Have  they  not  the  same  Constitution  that  they  have 
lived  under  for  seventy  odd  years  ?  Have  they  not  a  position 
as  citizens  of  this  common  country,  and  have  we  any  power  to 
change  that  position  ?  What,  then,  is  the  matter  with  them  ? 
Why  all  this  excitement?  Why  all  these  complaints  ?  As  I 
said  before,  this  crisis  is  ^11  artificial.  It  has  no  foundation  in 
fact.  It  was  '  argued  up,'  as  the  saying  is,  and  cannot  be  argued 
down.     Let  it  alone,  and  it  will  go  down  itself." 

On  Saturday  he  proceeded  to  Buffalo,  where  he  arrived 
at  evening,  and  was  met  by  an  immense  concourse  of  citi- 
zens, headed  by  Ex-President  Fillmore. 

Arriving  at  the  hotel,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  welcomed  in  a 
brief  speech  by  the  acting  chief  magistrate,  to  which  he 
made  a  brief  reply,  as  follows  : 

''Mr.  Mayor  and  Fellow- Citizens: — I  am  here  to  thank  you 
briefly  for  this  grand  reception  given  to  me,  not  personally,  but 
as  the  representative  of  our  great  and  beloved  country.  Your 
worthy  mayor  has  been  pleaded  to  mention  in  his  address  to  me, 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       75 

the  fortunate  and  agreeable  journey  which  I  have  had  from 
home — only  it  is  rather  a  circuitous  route  to  the  Federal  Capi- 
tal. I  am  very  happy  that  he  was  enabled,  in  truth,  to  congrat- 
ulate myself  and  company  on  that  fact.  It  is  true,  we  have 
had  nothing  thus  far  to  mar  the  pleasure  of  the  trip.  We  have 
not  been  met  alone  by  those  who  assisted  in  giving  the  election 
to  me;  I  say  not  alone,  but  by  the  whole  population  of  the 
country  through  which  we  have  passed.  This  is  as  it  should  be. 
Had  the  election  fallen  to  any  other  of  the  distinguished  candi- 
dates instead  of  myself,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances,  to  say 
the  least,  it  would  have  been  proper  for  all  citizens  to  have 
greeted  him  as  you  now  greet  me.  It  is  an  evidence  of  the  de- 
votion of  the  whole  people  to  the  Constitution,  the  Union,  and 
the  perpetuity  of  the  liberties  of  this  country.  I  am  unwilling, 
on  any  occasion,  that  I  should  be  so  meanly  thought  of  as  to 
have  it  supposed  for  a  moment  that  these  demonstrations  arc 
tendered  to  me  personally.  They  are  tendered  to  the  country, 
to  the  institutions  of  the  country,  and  to  the  perpetuity  of  the 
liberties  of  the  country  for  which  these  institutions  were  made 
and  created.  Your  worthy  mayor  has  thought  ^t  to  express 
the  hope  that  I  may  be  able  to  lelieve  the  country  from  the  pre- 
sent,  or,  I  should  say,  the  threatened  difficulties.  I  am  sure  I 
bring  a  heart  true  to  the  work.  For  the  ability  to  perform  it,  I 
trust  in  that  Supreme  Being  who  has  never  forsaken  this  favored 
land,  through  the  instrumentality  of  this  great  and  intelligent 
people.  Without  that  assistance  I  should  surely  fail ;  with  it 
I  cannot  fail.  When  we  speak  of  the  threatened  difficulties  to 
the  country,  it  is  natural  that  it  should  be  expected  that  some- 
thing should  be  said  by  myself  with  regard  to  particular  mea 
sures.  Upon  more  mature  reflection,  however — and  others  will 
agree  with  me — that,  when  it  is  considered  that  these  difficulties 
are  without  precedent,  and  never  have  been  acted  upon  by  any 
individual  situated  as  I  am,  it  is  most  proper  I  should  wait  and 
see  the  developments,  and  get  all  the  light  possible,  so  that, 
when  I  do  speak  authoritatively,  I  may  be  as  near  right  as  possi- 
ble. When  I  shall  speak  authoritatively,  I  hope  to  say  nothing 
inconsistent  with  the  Constitution,  the  Union,  the  rights  of  all 
the  States,  of  each  State,  and  of  each  section  of  the  country, 
and  not  to  disappoint  the  reasonable  expectations  of  those  who 
have  confided  to  me  their  votes.  In  this  connection,  allow  me 
to  say  that  you,  as  a  portion  of  the  great  American  people,  need 
only  to  maintain  your  composure,  stand  up  to  your  sober  con- 
victions of  right,  to  your  obligations  to  the  Constitution,  and 
act  in  accordance  with  those  sober  convictions,  and  the  clouds 
which  now  arise  in  the  horizon  will  be  dispelled,  and  we  shall 
have  a  bright  and  glorious  future;  and,  when  this  generation 
shall  have  passed  away,  tens  of  thousands  shall  inhabit  this 
country  where  only  thousands  inhabit  it  now.  I  do  not  propose 
to  address  you  at  length.     I  have  no  voice  for  it.     Allow  me 


76      LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

again  to  thank  you  for  this  magnificent  reception,  and  bid  you 
farewell." 

Mr.  Lincoln  then  proceeded  from  Buffalo  to  Albany. 
Here  he  was  met  by  the  Mayor,  the  City  Councils,  and 
the  Legislative  Committees,  and  was  conducted  to  the 
Capitol,  where  he  w-as  welcomed  by  Governor  Morgan, 
and  responded  briefly,  as  follow^s  : 

^^ Governor  Morgan: — I  was  pleased  to  receive  an  invitation 
to  visit  the  capital  of  the  great  Empire  State  of  this  nation, 
while  on  my  way  to  the  Federal  capital.  I  now  thank  you,  and 
you,  the  people  of  the  capital  of  the  State  of  New  York,  for 
this  most  hearty  and  magnificeut  welcome.  If  I  am  not  at  fault, 
the  great  Empire  State  at  this  time  contains  a  larger  population 
than  did  the  whole  of  the  United  States  of  America  at  the  time 
they  achieved  their  national  independence  ;  and  I  was  proud  to 
be  invited  to  visit  its  capital,  to  meet  its  citizens  as  I  now  have 
the  honor  to  do.  I  am  notified  by  your  governor  that  this  re- 
ception is  tendered  by  citizens  without  distinction  of  party. 
Because  of  this,  I  accept  it  the  more  gladly.  In  this  country, 
and  in  any  country  where  freedom  of  thought  is  tolerated,  citi- 
zens attach  themselves  to  political  parties.  It  is  but  an  ordi- 
nary degree  of  charity  to  attribute  this  act  to  the  supposition 
that,  in  thus  attaching  themselves  to  the  various  parties,  each 
man,  in  his  own  judgment,  supposes  he  thereby  best  advances 
the  interests  of  the  whole  country.  And  when  an  election  is 
passed,  it  is  altogether  befitting  a  free  people  that,  until  the 
next  election,  they  should  be  one  people.  The  reception  you 
have  extended  me  to-day  is  not  given  to  me  personally.  It 
should  not  be"  so,  but  as  the  representative,  for  the  time  being, 
of  the  majority  of  the  nation.  If  the  election  had  fallen  to  any 
of  the  more  distinguished  citizens,  who  received  the  support  of 
the  people,  this  same  honor  should  have  greeted  him  that  greets 
me  this  day,  in  testimony  of  the  unanimous  devotion  of  the  whole 
people  to  the  Constitution,  the  Union,  and  to  the  perpetual 
liberties  of  succeeding  generations  in  this  country.  I  have 
neither  the  voice  nor  the  strength  to  address  you  at  any  greater 
length.  I  beg  you  will,  therefore,  accept  my  most  grateful 
thanks  for  this  manifest  devotion — not  to  me  but  to  the  institu- 
tions of  this  great  and  glorious  country." 

He  was  then  conducted  to  the  Legislative  halls,  where, 
in  reply  to  an  address  of  welcome,  he  again  adverted  to 
the  troubles  of  the  country  in  the  following  terms : 

"Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Legislature  of  iht 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABKAHAM  LINCOLN.       77 

State  of  New  York  : — It  is  with  feelings  of  great  diffidence,  and, 
I  may  say,  feelings  even  of  awe,  perhaps  greater  than  I  have  re- 
cently experienced,  that  I   meet  yon  here  in  this  place.     The 
history  of  this  great  State,  the  renown  of  its  great  men,  who 
have  st:)od  in  this  chamber,  and  have  spoken  their  thoughts,  all 
crowd  around  my  fancy,  and  incline  me  to  shrink  from  an  attempt 
to  address  you.     Yet  I   have  some  confidence  given  me  by  the 
generous   manner  in  which  you  have  invited  me,  and   the  still 
niDre  generous    manner  in  which  you  have  received  me.     You 
have  invited  me  and  received   me  without  distinction  of  party. 
I  could  not  for  a  moment  suppose  that  this  has  been  done  in  any 
considerable  degree  with  any  reference  to  my  personal  self.     It 
is  very  much  more  grateful  to  me  that  this  reception  and  tho 
invitation  preceding  it  were  given  to  me  as  the  representative 
of  a  free  people  than  it  could  possibly  have  been  were  they  but 
the  evidence  of  devotion  to  me  or  to  any  one  man.     It  is  true 
that,  while  I  hold  myself,  without  mock-modesty,  the  humblest 
of  all  the  individuals  who  have  ever  been  elected  President  of  the 
United  States,  I  yet  have  a  more  difficult  task  to  perform  than 
any  one  of  them  has  ever  encountered.     You  have  here  gen- 
erously tendered  me  the  support,  the  united  support,  of  the  great 
Empire  State.     For  this,  in  behalf  of  the  nation — in  behalf  of 
the  President  and  of  the  future  of  the  nation — in  behalf  of  the 
cause   of  civil   liberty  in   all   time  to   come — I  most  gratefully 
thank  you.     I  do  not  propose  now  to  enter  upon  any  expressions 
a^  to  the  particular  line  of  policy  to  be  adopted  with  reference 
to  the  difficulties  that  stand  before  us  in  the  opening  of  the  in- 
coming Administration.     1  deem  that  it  is  just  to  the  country, 
to   myself,  to  you,  that   I   should   see  every  thing,  hear  every 
thing,  and  have  every  light  that  can  possibly  be  brought  within 
my  reach  to  aid  me  before  I  shall  speak  officially,  in  order  that, 
when  I  do  speak,  I  may  have  the  best  possible  means  of  taking 
correct  and  true  grounds.     For  this  reason,  I  do  not  now  an- 
nounce any  thing  in  the  way  of  policy  for  the  new  Administra- 
tion.    When  the  time  comes,  according  to  the  custom  of  the 
government,  I  shall  speak,  and  speak  as  well  as   I  am  able  for 
the  good  of  the  present  and  of  the  future  of  this  country — for  the 
good  of  the  North  and  of  the  South — for  the  good  of  one  and 
of  the  other,  and  of  all  sections  of  it.     In  the  meantime,  if  we 
have  patience,  if  we  maintain  our  equanimity,  though  some  may 
allow  themselves  to  run  off  in  a  burst  of  passion,  I  still  have  con- 
fidence that  the  Almighty  Euler  of  the  Universe,  through  the 
instrumentality  of  this  great  and  intelligent  people,  can  and  will 
bring  us  through  this  difficulty,  as  he  has  heretofore  brought  ua 
through  all  preceding  difficulties  of  the  country.     Relying  upon 
this,  and  again  thanking  you,  as  I  forever  shall,  in  ray  heart,  lor 
thio  generous  reception  you  have  given  me,  I  bid  you  farewell." 

At  Albany,  lie  was  met  bj  a  delegation  from  the  city 
authorities  of  New  York,  and  on  the  19th  started  for  that 


78       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LTXCOLN. 

City.     At  Poughkeepsie,  he  was  welcomed  by  the  Mayor 
of  the  city.     Mr.  Lincohi,  in  reply,  said  : 

"I  am  grateful  for  this  cordial  welcome,  and  I  am  gratified 
that  this  immense  multitude  has  come  together,  not  to  meet  the 
individual  man,  but  the  man  who,  for  the  time  being,  will  humbly 
but  earnestly  represent  the  majesty  of  the  nation.  These  re- 
ceptions have  been  given  me  at  other  places,  and,  as  here,  by 
men  of  difi'erent  parties,  and  not  by  one  party  alone.  It  shows 
an  earnest  effort  on  the  part  of  all  to  save,  not  the  country,  for 
the  country  can  save  itself,  but  to  save  the  institutions  of  the 
country — those  institutions  under  which,  for  at  least  three- 
quarters  of  a  century,  we  have  become  the  greatest,  the  most 
intelligent,  and  the  happiest  people  in  the  world.  These  mani- 
festations show  that  we  all  make  common  cause  for  these  ob- 
jects ;  that  if  some  of  us  are  successful  in  an  election,  and  others 
are  beaten,  those  who  are  beaten  are  not  in  favor  of  sinking  the 
ship  in  consequence  of  defeat,  but  are  earnest  in  their  purpose 
to  sail  it  safely  through  the  voyage  in  hand,  and,  in  so  far  as  they 
may  think  there  has  been  any  mistake  in  the  election,  satisfying 
themselves  to  take  their  chance  at  setting  the  matter  right  the 
next  time.  That  course  is  entirely  right,  1  am  not  sure — I  do 
not  pretend  to  be  sure — that  in  the  selection  of  the  individual 
who  has  been  elected  this  term,  the  wisest  choice  has  been  made. 
I  fear  it  has  not.  In  the  purposes  and  in  the  principles  that 
have  been  sustained,  I  have  been  the  instrument  selected  to 
carry  forward  the  affairs  of  this  Government,  I  can  rely  upon 
you,  and  upon  the  people  of  the  country  ;  and  with  their  sus- 
taining hand,  I  think  that  even  I  shall  not  fail  in  carrying  the 
Ship  of  State  through  the  storm," 

The  reception  of  President  Lincoln  in  New  York  City 
was  a  most  imposing  demonstration.  Places  of  business 
were  generally  closed,  and  hundreds  of  thousands  wore  in 
the  streets.  On  the  next  day,  he  was  welcomed  to  the 
city  by  Mayor  Wood,  and  replied  as  follows  : 

**Jfr.  Mayor:  It  is  with  feelings  of  deep  gratitude  that  I 
make  my  acknowledgments  for  the  reception  given  me  in  the 
great  commercial  city  of  New  York.  I  cannot  but  remember 
that  this  is  done  by  a  people  who  do  not,  by  a  majority,  agree 
with  me  in  political  sentiment.  It  is  the  more  grateful,  because 
in  this  I  see  that,  for  the  great  principles  of  our  Government, 
the  people  are  almost  unanimous.  In  regard  to  the  difficulties 
that  confront  us  at  this  time,  and  of  which  your  Honor  has 
thought  fit  to  speak  so  becomingly  and  so  justly,  as  I  suppose, 
I  can  only  say  that  I  agree  in  the  sentiments  expressed.     In  my 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       79 

clevotion  to  the  Union,  I  hope  I  am  behind  no  man  in  the  nation 
In  the  wisdom  with  which  to  conduct  the  affairs  tending  to  the 
preservation  of  the  Union,  I  fear  that  too  great  confidence  may 
have  been  reposed  in  me  ;  but  I  am  sure  I  bring  a  heart  devoted 
to  the  work.  There  is  nothing  that  could  ever  bring  me  to  wil- 
lingly consent  to  the  destruction  of  this  Union,  under  which  not 
only  the  great  commercial  city  of  New  York,  but  the  whole 
coantry,  acquired  its  greatness,  except  it  be  the  purpose  for 
which  the  Union  itself  was  formed.  I  understand  the  ship  to 
be  made  for  the  carrying  and  the  preservation  of  the  cargo,  and 
so  long  as  the  ship  can  be  saved  with  the  cargo,  it  should  never 
be  abandoned,  unless  it  fails  the  possibility  of  its  preservation, 
and  shall  cease  to  exist,  except  at  the  risk  of  throwing  overboard 
both  freight  and  passengers.  So  long,  then,  as  it  is  possible  that 
the  prosperity  and  the  liberties  of  the  people  be  preserved  in  this 
Union,  it  shall  be  my  purpose  at  all  times  to  use  all  my  powers 
to  aid  in  its  perpetuation.  Again  thanking  you  for  the  recep- 
tion given  me,  allow  me  to  come  to  a  close." 

On  the  next  day,  he  left  for  Philadelphia.  At  Trenton, 
ne  remained  a  few  hours,  and  visited  both  Houses  of  the 
Legislature.  On  being  received  in  the  Senate,  he  thus 
addressed  that  body : 

"Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  of  the  State  of 
New  Jersey :  I  am  very  grateful  to  you  for  the  honorable  recep- 
tion of  which  I  have  been  the  object.     I  cannot  but  remember 
the  place  that  New  Jersey  holds  in  our  early  history.     In  the 
early  Revolutionary  struggle,  few  of  the  States  among  the  old 
Thirteen  had  more  of  the  battle-fields  of  the  country  within  its 
limits  than  old  New  Jersey.     May  I  be  pardoned,  if,  upon  this 
occasion,  I  mention,  that  away  back  in  my  childhood,  the  earliest 
days  of  my  being  able  to  read,  I  got  hold  of  a  small  book,  such 
a  one  as  few  of  the  younger  members  have  ever  seen,  *  Weems' 
Life  of  Washington.'     I  remember  all  the  accounts  there  given 
of  the  battle-fields  and  struggles  for  the  liberties  of  the  country, 
and  none  fixed  themselves  upon  my  imagination  so  deeply  as  the 
struggle  here  at  Trenton,  New  Jersey.     The  crossing  of  the 
river — the  contest  with  the  Hessians — the  great  hardships  en- 
dured at  that  time— all  fixed  themselves  on  my  memory  more 
than  any  single  revolutionary  event ;  and  you  all  know,  for  you 
have  all  been  boys,  how  there  early  impressions  last  longer  than 
any  others.     I  recollect  thinking  then,  boy  even  though  I  was, 
that  there  must  have  been  something  more  than  common  that 
those  men  struggled  for.     I  am  exceedingly  anxious  that  that 
thing  which  they  struggled  for — that  something  even  more  than 
National  Independence — that  something  that  held  out  a  great 
promise  to  all  the  people  of  the  world  to  all  time  to  come — I  am 
5 


80       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

exceeding-ly  anxious  that  this  Union,  the  Constitution,  and  the 
liberties  of  the  people,  shall  be  perpetuated  in  accordance  with 
the  original  idea  lor  which  that  struggle  was  made,  and  I  shall 
be  most  happy  indeed  if  I  shall  be  an  humble  instrument  in  the 
hands  of  the  Almighty,  and  of  this.  His  almost  chosen  people, 
for  perpetuating  the  object  of  that  great  struggle.  You  give 
me  this  reception,  as  I  understand,  without  distinction  of  party. 
I  learn  that  this  body  is  composed  of  a  majority  of  gentlemen 
who,  in  the  exercise  of  their  best  judgment  in  the  choice  of  a 
Chief  Magistrate,  did  not  think  I  was  the  man.  I  understand, 
nevertheless,  that  they  came  forward  here  to  greet  me  as  the 
constitutional  President  of  the  United  States— as  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  to  meet  the  man  who,  for  the  time  being,  is  the 
representative  man  of  the  nation,  united  by  a  purpose  to  per- 
petuate the  Union  and  liberties  of  the  people.  As  such,  I  ac- 
cept this  reception  more  gratefully  than  I  could  do  did  I  believe 
it  was  tendered  to  me  as  an  individual." 

He  then  passed  into  the  Chamber  of  the  Assembly,  and 
upon  being  introduced  by  the  Speaker,  addressed  that 
bodv  as  follows : 

^'Mr.  Speaker  and  Gentlemen  :  I  have  just  enjoyed  the  honor 
of  a  reception  by  the  other  branch  of  this  Legislature,  and  I  re- 
turn to  you  and  them  my  thanks  for  the  reception  which  the 
people  of  New  Jersey  have  given,  through  their  chosen  repre- 
sentatives, to  me,  as  the  representative,  for  the  time  being,  of 
the  majesty  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  I  appro})riate 
to  myself  very  little  of  the  demonstrations  of  respect  with  which 
I  have  been  greeted.  I  think  little  should  be  given  to  any  man, 
but  that  it  should  be  a  manifestation  of  adherence  to  the  Union 
and  the  Constitution.  I  understand  nivself  to  be  received  here 
by  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  New  Jersey,  a  majority 
of  whom  differ  in  opinion  from  those  with  whom  I  have  acted. 
This  manifestation  is  therefore  to  be  regarded  by  me  as  expres- 
sing their  devotion  to  the  Union,  the  Constitution,  and  the  lib- 
erties of  the  people.  You,  Mr.  Speaker,  have  well  said,  that 
this  is  the  time  when  the  bravest  and  wisest  look  with  doubt  and 
awe  upon  the  aspect  presented  by  our  national  affairs.  Under 
these  circumstances,  you  will  readily  see  why  I  should  not  speak 
in  detail  of  the  course  I  shall  deem  it  best  to  pursue.  It  is 
proper  that  I  should  avail  myself  of  all  the  information  and  all 
the  time  at  my  command,  in  order  that  when  the  time  arrives  in 
which  I  must  speak  officially,  I  shall  be  able  to  take  the  ground 
which  I  deem  the  best  and  safest,  and  from  which  I  may  have 
no  occasion  to  swerve.  I  shall  endeavor  to  take  the  ground  I 
deem  most  just  to  the  North,  the  East,  the  West,  the  South,  and 
tho  whole  country.     I  take  it,  I  hope,  in  good  temper — certainly 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       81 

■witli  no  malice  towards  any  section.  I  shall  do  all  that  may  be 
in  my  power  to  promote  a  peaceful  settlement  of  all  our  difficul- 
ties. The  man  does  not  live  who  is  more  devoted  to  peace  than 
X  am — none  who  would  do  more  to  preserve  it.  But  it  may  be 
necessary  to  put  the  foot  down  firmly.  And  if  I  do  my  duty, 
and  do  right,  you  will  sustain  me,  will  yon  not?  Received,  as  I 
am,  by  the  members  of  a  Legislature,  the  majority  of  whom  do 
not  agree  with  me  in  political  sentiments,  I  trust  that  I  may 
have  their  assistance  in  piloting  the  Ship  of  State  through  this 
voyage,  surrounded  by  perils  as  it  is  ;  for  if  it  should  suffer  ship- 
wreck now,  there  will  be  no  pilot  ever  needed  for  another  voy- 
age." 

On  liis  arrival  in  Philadelphia,  he  was  received  with 
great  enthusiasm,  and  the  Mayor  greeted  him  with  the 
following  address  : 

"Sir:  In  behalf  of  the  Councils  of  Philadelphia  and  of  its 
citizens,  who,  with  common  respect  for  their  chief  Magistrate- 
elect,  have  greeted  your  arrival,  I  tender  you  the  hospitality  of 
this  city.  I  do  this  as  the  official  representative  of  ninety  thou- 
sand hearths,  around  which  dwell  six  hundred  thousand  people, 
firm  and  ardent  in  their  devotion  to  the  Union  ;  and  yet  it  may 
not  be  withheld,  that  there  are  but  few  of  these  firesides  whose 
cheer  is  not  straitened  and  darkened  by  the  calamitous  condition 
of  our  country.  The  great  mass  of  this  people  are  heartily  weary 
and  sick  of  the  selfish  schemes  and  wily  plots  of  mere  politicians, 
who  bear  no  more  relation  to  true  statesmanship  than  do  the 
barnacles  which  incrust  the  ship  to  the  master  who  stands  by 
the  helm.  Your  fellow-countrymen  look  to  you  in  the  earnest 
hope  that  true  statesmanship  and  unalloyed  patriotism  may, 
with  God's  blessing,  restore  peace  and  prosperity  to  this  dis- 
tracted land.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  your  short  stay  pre- 
cludes that  intercourse  with  the  merchants,  manufacturers,  me- 
chanics, and  other  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  which  might  afford 
you  a  clear  discernment  of  their  great  interests.  And,  sir,  it 
could  not  be  other  than  grateful  to  yourself  to  have  the  oppor- 
tunity of  communicating  with  the  memories  of  the  past,  in  those 
historic  walls  where  were  displayed  the  comprehensive  intellects, 
and  the  liberal,  disinterested  virtues  of  our  fathers,  who  framed 
the  Constitution  of  the  Federal  States,  over  which  you  have 
been  called  upon  to  preside." 

Mr.  Lincoln  replied  : 

"  Mr.  Mayor  and  Felloiv -citizens  of  Philadelphia :  I  appear 
before  you  to  make  no  lengthy  speech  but  to  thank  you  for  this 
reception.  The  reception  you  have  given  me  to-night  is  not  to 
me,  the  man,  the  individual,  but  to  the  man  who  temporarily 


82       LIFB  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

represents,  or  should  represent,  the  majesty  of  the  nation.  It  is 
true,  as  your  worthy  Mayor  has  said,  that  there  is  anxiety  among 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States  at  this  time.  I  deem  it  a  happy 
circumstance  that  this  dissatisfied  portion  of  our  fellow-citizens 
do  not  point  us  to  any  thiiif?  in  which  they  a'.e  being  iiijured,  or 
are  about  to  be  iniurcd  ;  for  which  reason  I  have  felt  all  the 
while  justified  in  conclndiiig  that  the  crisis,  the  panic,  the  anxiety 
of  the  country  at  this  time,  is  artificial.  If  there  be  those  who 
differ  with  me  upon  this  subject,  they  have  not  pointed  out  the 
substantial  difiiculty  that  exists.  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  an 
artificial  panic  may  not  do  considerable  harm  ;  that  it  has  done 
such  I  do  not  deny.  The  hope  that  has  been  expressed  by  your 
Mayor,  that  I  may  be  able  to  restore  peace,  harmony,  and  pros- 
perity to  the  country,  is  most  worthy  of  him  ;  and  happy  indeed 
will  I  be  if  I  shall  be  able  to  verify  and  fulfil  that  hope,  I 
promise  you,  in  all  sincerity,  that  I  bring  to  the  work  a  sincere 
heart.  Whether  I  will  bring  a  head  equal  to  that  heart,  will  be 
for  future  times  to  determine.  It  were  useless  for  me  to  speak 
of  details  of  plans  now;  I  shall  speak  officially  next  Monday 
week,  if  ever.  If  I  should  not  speak  then,  it  were  useless  for 
me  to  do  so  now.  If  I  do  speak  then,  it  is  useless  for  me  to  do 
so  now.  When  I  do  speak,  I  shall  take  such  ground  as  I  deem 
best  calculated  to  restore  peace,  harmony,  and  prosperity  to  the 
country,  and  tend  to  the  perpetuity  of  the  nation,  and  the  liberty 
of  these  States  and  these  people.  Your  worthy  Mayor  has  ex- 
pressed the  wish,  in  which  I  join  with  him,  that  it  were  con- 
venient for  me  to  remain  with  your  city  long  enough  to  consult 
your  merchants  and  manufacturers  ;  or,  as  it  were,  to  listen  to 
those  breathings  rising  within  the  consecrated  walls  wherein  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and,  I  will  add,  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  were  originally  framed  and  adopted.  I 
assure  you  and  your  Mayor,  that  I  had  hoped  on  this  occasion, 
and  upon  all  occasions  during  my  life,  that  I  shall  do  nothing 
inconsistent  with  the  teachings  of  these  holy  and  most  sacred 
walls.  I  never  asked  any  thing  that  does  not  breathe  from  those 
walls.  All  my  political  warfare  has  been  in  favor  of  the  teach- 
ings that  come  forth  from  these  sacred  walls.  May  my  right 
hand  forget  its  cunning,  and  my  tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  of 
my  mouth,  if  ever  I  prove  false  to  those  teachings.  Fellow-citi- 
zens, now  allow  me  to  bid  you  good-night." 

On  the  next  morning,  Mr.  Lincoln  visited  the  old  "  In- 
dependence Hall,"  for  the  purpose  of  raising  the  national 
flag  over  it.  Here  he  was  received  with  a  warm  welcome, 
and  made  the  following  address  : 

"I  am  filled  with  deep  emotion  at  finding  myself  standing 
hero,  in  this  place,  where  were  collected  the  wisdom,  the  patriot- 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       83 

ism,  the  devotion  to  principle,  from  which  sprang  the  institutions 
under  which  we  live.  You  have  kindly  suggested  to  me  that  in 
my  hands  is  the  task  of  restoring  peace  to  the  present  distracted 
condition  of  the  country.  I  can  say  in  return,  sir,  that  all  the 
political  sentiments  I  entertain  have  been  drawn,  so  far  as  I 
nave  been  able  to  draw  them,  from  the  sentiments  which  origi- 
nated and  were  given  to  the  world  from  this  hall.  I  have  never 
had  a  feeling  politically  that  did  not  spring  from  the  sentiments 
embodied  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  I  have  often 
pondered  over  the  dangers  which  were  incurred  by  the  men  who 
assembled  here,  and  framed  and  adopted  that  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence. I  have  pondered  over  the  toils  that  were  endured 
by  the  ofiBcers  and  soldiers  of  the  army  who  achieved  that  inde- 
pendence. I  have  often  inquired  of  myself  what  great  principle 
or  idea  it  was  that  kept  this  Confederacy  so  long  together.  It 
was  not  the  mere  matter  of  the  separation  of  the  colonies  from 
the  mother-land,  but  that  sentiment  in  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence which  gave  liberty,  not  alone  to  the  people  of  this 
country,  but,  I  hope,  to  the  world  for  all  future  time.  It  was 
that  which  gave  promise  that  in  due  time  the  weight  would  bs 
lifted  from  the  shoulders  of  all  men.  This  is  a  sentiment  era- 
bodied  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Now,  my  friends, 
can  this  country  be  saved  upon  this  basis  ?  If  it  can,  I  will 
consider  myself  one  of  the  happiest  men  in  the  world  if  I  can 
help  to  save  it.  If  it  cannot  be  saved  upon  that  principle,  it 
will  be  truly  awful.  But  if  this  country  cannot  be  saved  with- 
out giving  up  that  principle,  I  wa-s  about  to  say  I  would  rather 
be  assassinated  on  this  spot  than  surrender  it.  Now,  in  my 
view  of  the  present  aspect  of  affairs,  there  need  be  no  bloodshed 
or  war.  There  is  no  necessity  for  it.  I  am  not  in  favor  of  such 
a  course,  and  I  may  say,  in  advance,  that  there  will  be  no  blood- 
shed unless  it  be  forced  upon  the  government,  and  then  it  will 
be  compelled  to  act  in  self-defence. 

"  My  friends,  this  is  wholly  an  unexpected  speech,  and  I  did 
not  expect  to  be  called  upon  to  say  a  word  when  I  came  here. 
I  supposed  it  was  merely  to  do  something  towards  raising  the 
flag.  I  may,  therefore,  have  said  something  indiscreet.  I  have 
said  nothing  but  what  I  am  willing  to  live  by,  and,  if  it  be  the 
pleasure  of  Almighty  God,  to  die  by." 

The  party  then  proceeded  to  a  platform  erected  in  front 
of  the  State  House,  and  Mr.  Benton,  of  the  Select  Council, 
invited  the  President-elect  to  raise  the  flag.  Mr.  Lincoln 
responded  in  a  brief  speech,  stating  his  cheerful  compli- 
ance with  the  request,  and  alluded  to  the  original  flag  of 
thirteen  stars,  saying  that  the  number  had  increased  as 


34:       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

time  rolled  on,  and  we  became  a  Lappy  and  a  powerful 
people,  each  star  adding  to  its  prosperity.  "  The  future," 
he  added,  "  is  in  the  hands  of  the  people.  It  is  on  such  an 
occasion  as  this  that  we  can  reason  together,  reaffirm  our 
devotion  to  the  country  and  the  principles  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence.  Let  us  make  up  our  mind,  that 
when  we  do  put  a  new  star  upon  our  banner,  it  shall  be  a 
fixed  one,  never  to  be  dimmed  by  the  horrors  of  war,  but 
brightened  by  the  contentment  and  prosperity  of  peace. 
Let  us  go  on  to  extend  the  area  of  our  usefulness,  add 
star  upon  star,  until  their  light  shall  shine  upon  five  hun- 
dred millions  of  a  free  and  happy  people." 

The  President-elect  then  raised  the  flag  to  the  top  of 
the  staff. 

At  half-past  9  o'clock  the  party  left  for  Ilarrisburg. 
Both  Houses  of  the  Legislature  were  visited  by  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, and  to  an  address  of  welcome  he  thus  replied  : 

"  I  appear  before  you  only  for  a  very  few  brief  remarks,  in 
response  to  what  has  been  said  to  me.  I  thank  you  most  sin- 
cerely for  this  reception,  and  the  generous  words  in  which  sup- 
port has  been  promised  me  upon  this  occasion.  I  thank  your 
great  commonwealth  for  the  overwhelming  support  it  recently 
gave,  not  to  me  personally,  but  the  cause,  which  I  think  a  just 
one,  in  the  late  election.  Allusion  has  been  made  to  the  fact — 
the  interesting  fact,  perhaps  we  should  say — that  I,  for  the  first 
time,  appear  at  the  Capital  of  the  great  Commonwealth  uf 
Pennsylvania  upon  the  birthday  of  the  Father  of  his  Country, 
Jn  connection  with  that  beloved  anniversary  connected  with  the 
liistory  of  this  country.  I  have  already  p-one  through  one  ex- 
ceedingly interesting  scene  this  morning  in  the  ceremonies  at 
Philadelphia.  Under  the  high  conduct  of  gentlemen  there.  I 
was,  for  the  first  time,  allowed  the  privilege  of  standing  in  Old 
Independence  Hall,  to  have  a  few  words  addressed  to  me  there, 
and  opening  up  to  me  an  opportunity  of  expressing,  with  much 
regret,  that  I  had  not  more  time  to  express  something  of  my 
own  feelings,  excited  by  the  occasion,  somewhat  to  harmonize 
and  give  shape  to  the  feehngsthat  had  been  really  the  feelings 
of  my  whole  life.  Besides  this,  our  friends  there  had  provided  a 
magnificent  flagof  the  country.  They  had  arranged  it  so  that  I 
was  given  the  honor  of  raising  it  to  the  head  of  its  staff.  And 
when  it  .went  up  I  was  pleased  that  it  went  to  its  place  by  the 
strength  of  my  own  feeble  arm  ;  when,  according  to  the  arrange- 


LIFK   IND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.      85 

inent,  thfi  cord  was  pulled,  and  it  flaunted  c^loriously  to  the  wind 
without  an  accident,  in  the  bright  glowing  sunshine  of  the  morn- 
ing, I  could  not  help  hoping  that  thef)  was  in  the  entire  success 
of  that  beautiful  ceremony  at  least  something  of  an  omen  of 
what  is  to  come.  Nor  could  I  help  feeling  then,  as  I  often  have 
felt,  in  the  whole  of  that  proceeding,  I  was  a  very  humble  in- 
strument. I  had  not  provided  the  flag  ;  I  had  not  made  the  ar- 
rangements for  elevating  it  to  its  place.  I  had  applied  but  a 
very  small  portion  of  my  feeble  strength  in  raising  it.  In  the 
whole  transaction  I  was  in  the  hands  of  the  people  who  had  ar- 
ranged  it,  and  if  I  can  have  the  same  generous  cooperation  of 
the  people  of  the  nation,  I  think  the  flag  of  our  country  may  yet 
be  kept  flaunting  gloriously.  I  recur  for  a  moment  but  to 
repeat  some  words  uttered  at  the  hotel  in  regard  to  what  baa 
been  said  about  the  military  support  which  the  General  Gov- 
ernment may  expect  from  the  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylva- 
nia in  a  proper  emergency.  To  guard  against  any  possible 
mistake  do  I  recur  to  this.  It  is  not  with  any  pleasure  that 
I  contemplate  the  possibility  that  a  necessity  may  arise  in 
this  country  for  the  use  of  the  military  arm.  While  I 
am  exceedingly  gratified  to  see  the  manifestation  upon  your 
streets  of  your  military  force  here,  and  exceedingly  gratified 
at  your  promise  here  to  use  that  force  upon  a  proper 
emergency — while  I  make  these  acknowledgments,  I  desire 
to  repeat,  in  order  to  preclude  any  possible  misconstruction, 
that  I  do  most  sincerely  hope  that  we  shall  have  no  use  for 
them  ;  that  it  will  never  become  their  duty  to  shed  blood,  and 
most  especially  never  to  shed  fraternal  blood.  I  promise  that, 
so  far  as  I  may  have  wisdom  to  direct,  if  so  painful  a  result 
shall  in  any  M'ise  be  brought  about,  it  shall  be  through  no  fault 
of  mine.  Allusion  has  also  been  made  by  one  of  your  honored 
speakers  to  some  remark  recently  made  by  myself  at  Pittsburg, 
in  regard  to  what  is  supposed  to  be  the  especial  interests  of  this 
great  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania.  I  now  wish  only  to  say, 
in  regard  to  that  matter,  that  the  few  remarks  which  I  uttered 
on  that  occasion  were  rather  carefully  worded.  I  took  pains 
that  they  should  be  so.  I  have  seen  no  occasion  since  to  add  to 
them  or  subtract  from  them.  I  leave  them  precisely  as  they 
stand,  adding  only  now,  that  I  am  pleased  to  have  an  expres- 
sion from  you,  gentlemen  of  Pennsylvania,  significant  that  they 
are  satisfactory  to  you.  And  now,  gentlemen  of  the  General 
Assembly  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania,  allow  me  to 
return  you  again  my  most  sincere  thanks." 

PLOT  TO  ASSASSINATE  HIM— HOW  IT  WAS 

THWARTED. 

Arrangements  had  been  made  for  his  departure  from 


86       LIFE  AND  SEHVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Harrisburg  on  the  following  morning,  but  the  discovery 
of  a  plot  to  assassinate  him  as  he  passed  through  Balti- 
more— a  plot  in  which  some  of  the  principal  residents  of 
that  city  were  interested,  although  their  projects  were  to 
be  accomplished  by  means  of  paid  emissaries — caused  a 
change  in  the  schedule,  and  on  the  evening  of  the  day  that 
he  had  been  received  by  the  Legislature,  he  left  in  a 
special  train  for  Philadelphia,  and  from  thence  proceeded 
in  the  sleeping-car  attached  to  the  regular  midnight  train 
to  Washington,  where  he  arrived  at  an  early  hour  on  the 
morning  of  the  twenty-third. 

The  sudden  departure  of  Mr.  Lincoln  from  the  Penn- 
sylvania State  Capital  naturally  astonished  the  people  of 
the  country ;  and  while  the  loyal  citizens  exulted  in  the 
fact  that  he  was  safe  in  Washington,  the  traitors  and  their 
sympathizers  were  greatly  exasperated  at  the  failure  of 
their  nefarious  designs,  and  pronouncing  the  movement 
an  act  of  cowardice,  solemulv  declared  that  he  should 
nev^er  be  inaugurated. 

IS  WELCOMED  TO  WASHINGTON  BY  THE 

AUTHORITIES. 

A  few  days  after  his  arrival  he  was  waited  upon  by  the 
Mayor  and  other  municipal  authorities,  who  welcomed 
him  to  the  city,  and  to  whom  he  made  the  following 
reply : 

'^Mr.  Mayor :  I  thank  you,  and  through  you  the  municipal 
authorities  of  this  city  who  accompany  you,  for  this  welcome. 
And  as  it  is  the  first  time  in  my  life  since  the  present  phase  of 
politics  has  presented  itself  in  this  country,  that  I  have  said 
any  thing  publicly  within  a  region  of  country  where  the  institu- 
tion of  slavery  exists,  I  will  take  this  occasion  to  say  that  I 
think  very  much  of  the  ill-feeling  that  has  existed,  and  still  ex- 
ists, between  the  people  in  the  sections  from  whence  I  came 
and  the  people  here,  is  dependent  upon  a  misunderstanding  of 
one  another.  I  therefore  avail  myself  of  this  opportunity  to 
assure  you,  Mr.  Mayor,  and  all  the  gentleman  present,  that  I 
have  not  now,  and  never  have  had,  any  other  than  as  kindly 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       87 

feelings  towards  you  as  the  people  of  my  own  section.  I  havo 
not  now,  and  never  have  had,  any  disposition  to  treat  you  in  any 
respect  otherwise  than  as  my  own  neighbors.  I  have  not  now 
any  purpose  to  withhold  from  you  any  of  the  benefits  of  the 
Constitution,  under  any  circumstances,  that  I  would  not  feel 
myself  constrained  to  withhold  from  my  neig'hbors  ;  and  I  hope, 
in  a  word,  that,  when  we  shall  become  better  acquainted,  and  J 
.<jay  it  with  great  confidence,  we  shall  like  each  other  the  more,  i 
thank  you  for  the  kindness  of  this  reception," 

ADDBESSES    THE    REPUBLICAN  ASSOCIATIOK. 

On  the  folio wiDg  evening  the  Republican  Association 
tendered  him  a  delightful  serenade,  at  the  conclusion  of 
which  he  made  the  following  remarks  to  the  assembled 
crowd  : 

'■^  My  friends:  I  suppose  that  I  may  take  this  as  a  compli- 
ment paid  to  me,  and  as  such  please  accept  my  thanks  for  it. 
I  have  reached  this  city  of  Washington  under  circumstances 
considerably  differing  from  those  under  which  any  other  man 
Ims  ever  rcnched  it.  1  am  here  for  the  purpose  of  taking  an 
ofiicial  position  amongst  the  jjeople,  almost  all  of  whom  wero 
politically  opposed  to  me,  and  are  yet  opposed  to  me  as  I 
suppose.  I  propose  no  lengthy  address  to  you.  I  only  propose 
to  say,  as  I  did  on  yesterday,  when  your  worthy  Mayor  and 
Board  of  Aldermen  called  upon  me,  that  I  thought  much  of  the 
ill-feeling  that  has  existed  between  you  and  the  people  of  your 
surroundings  and  that  people  from  amongst  whom  I  came,  has 
dej)ended,  and  now  depends,  upon  a  misunderstanding. 

"I  hope  that,  if  things  shall  go  along  as  prosperously  as  I 
believe  we  all  desire  they  may,  I  may  have  it  in  my  power  to  re- 
move something  of  this  misunderstanding;  that  I  may  be 
enabled  to  convince  you,  and  the  people  of  your  section  of  Ihc 
country,  that  we  regard  you  as  in  all  things  our  equals,  and  in 
all  things  entitled  to  the  same  respect  and  the  same  treatment 
that  we  claim  for  ourselves  ;  that  we  are  in  nowise  disposed,  if 
it  were  in  our  power,  to  oppress  you,  to  deprive  you  of  any  of 
your  rights  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  or  even 
narrowly  to  split  hairs  with  you  in  regard  to  those  rights,  but 
are  determined  to  give  you,  as  far  as  lies  in  our  hands,  all  your 
rights  under  the  Constitution — not  grudgingly,  but  fully  and 
fairly.  I  hope  that,  by  thus  dealing  with  you,  we  will  become 
better  acquainted,  and  be  better  friends.  And  now,  my  friends, 
with  these  few  remarks,  and  again  returning  my  thanks  for  thia 
compliment,  and  expressing  my  desire  to  hear  a  little  more  of 
your  good  music,  I  bid  you  good-night." 


88       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

IS    Il^AUGURATED    PRESIDENT    OF    THE 
UNITED   STATES. 

On  the  fourth  of  March,  1861,  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
inaugurated  the  Sixteenth  President  of  the  United  States, 
the  ceremonies  incident  to  the  event  being  of  the  most 
imposing  description.  A  large  number  of  troops  partici- 
pated in  the  procession,  and  every  arrangement  was  made 
to  frustrate  any  movement  the  Secessionists  or  thcii 
friends  might  make  to  prevent  the  choice  of  a  majority  of 
the  voters  of  the  nation  from  taking  the  oath  of  office. 
From  a  platform  erected  in  the  usual  position  on  the  east 
front  of  the  capitol,  and  in  the  presence  of  not  less  than 
ten  thousand  persons,  Mr.  Lincoln  delivered  the  following 
Inaugural  Address : 

INAUGURAL  ADDRESS  OF  ARRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

'' Felloiv-citizens  of  the  United  States  : 

"In  compliance  with  a  custom  as  old  as  the  Government  it- 
self. I  appear  before  you  to  address  you  briefly,  and  to  take,  in 
your  presence,  the  oath  prescribed  by  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  to  be  taken  by  the  President,  before  he  enters  on 
the  execution  of  his  office. 

"  I  do  not  consider  it  necessary,  at  present,  for  me  to  discnss 
those  matters  of  administration  about  which  there  is  no  special 
anxiety  or  excitement.  Apprehension  seems  to  exist  among  the 
people  of  the  Southern  States,  that,  by  the  accession  of  a  Re- 
publican Administration,  their  property  and  their  peace  and 
personal  security  are  to  be  endangered.  There  has  never  been 
any  reasonable  cause  for  such  apprehension.  Indeed,  the  most 
ample  evidence  to  the  contrary  has  all  the  while  existed,  and 
been  open  to  their  inspection.  It  is  found  in  nearly  all  the  pub- 
lished speeches  of  him  who  now  addresses  you.  1  do  but  quote 
from  one  of  those  speeches,  when  I  declare  that  '  I  have  no  pur- 
pose, directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere  with  the  institution  of 
slavery  in  the  States  where  it  exists.'  I  believe  I  have  no  law- 
ful right  to  do  so ;  and  I  have  no  inclination  to  do  so.  Those 
who  nominated  and  elected  me.  did  so  with  the  full  knowledge 
that  I  had  made  this,  and  made  many  similar  declarations,  and 
had  never  recanted  them.  And  more  than  this,  they  placed  in 
the  platform,  for  my  acceptance,  and  as  a  law  to  themselves  and 
to  me,  the  clear  and  emphatic  resolution  which  I  now  read  : 

"  'Icesolved,  That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       89 

the  States,  and  especially  the  right  of  eacli  State  to  order  and 
control  its  own  domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own  judg- 
ment exclusively,  is  essential  to  that  balance  of  power  on  which 
the  perfection  and  endurance  of  our  political  fabric  depend  ;  and 
we  denouncf^  the  lawless  invasion  by  armed  force  of  the  soil  of 
any  State  or  Territory,  no  matter  under  what  pretext,  as  among 
the  gravest  of  crimes.' 

"  I  now  reiterate  these  sentiments  ;  and  in  doing  so  I  only 
press  upon  the  public  attention  the  most  conclusive  evidence  of 
which  the  case  is  susceptible,  that  the  property,  peace,  and  se- 
curity of  no  section  are  to  be  in  anywise  endangered  by  the  now 
incoming  Administration. 

"  I  add,  too,  that  all  the  protection  which,  consistently  with 
the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  can  be  given,  will  be  cheerfully 
given  to  all  the  States  when  lawfully  demanded,  for  whatever 
cause,  as  cheerfully  to  one  section  as  to  another. 

"  There  is  much  controversy  about  the  delivering  up  of  fugi- 
tives from  service  or  labor.  The  clause  I  now  read  is  as  plainly 
written  in  the  Constitution  as  any  other  of  its  provisions  : 

**  'No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State  under  the 
laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any 
law  or  regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or 
labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom 
such  service  or  labor  may  be  due.' 

"  It  is  scarcely  questioned  that  this  provision  was  intended  by 
those  who  made  it  for  the  reclaiming  of  what  we  call  fugitive 
slaves  ;  and  the  intention  of  the  lawgiver  is  the  law. 

"All  members  of  Congress  swear  their  support  to  the  whole 
Constitution — to  this  provision  as  well  as  any  other.  To  the 
proposition,  then,  that  slaves  whose  cases  come  within  the  terms 
of  this  clause  'shall  be  delivered  up,'  their  oaths  are  unanimous. 
Now,  if  they  would  make  the  effort  in  good  temper,  could  they 
not,  with  nearly  equal  unanimity,  frame  and  pass  a  law  by  means 
of  which  to  keep  good  that  unanimous  oath? 

"  There  is  some  difference  of  opinion  whether  this  clause 
should  be  enforced  by  national  or  by  State  authority;  but 
surely  that  difference  is  not  a  very  material  one.  If  the  slave 
is  to  be  surrendered,  it  can  be  of  but  little  consequence  to  him 
or  to  others  by  which  authority  it  is  done ;  and  should  any  one, 
in  any  case,  be  content  that  this  oath  shall  go  unkept  on  a 
merely  un  lubstantial  controversy  as  to  how  it  shall  be  kept  ? 

"Again,  in  any  law  upon  this  subject,  ought  not  all  the  safe- 
guards of  liberty  known  in  the  civilized  and  humane  jurisprudence 
to  be  introduced,  so  that  a  free  man  be  not,  in  any  case,  surren- 
dered as  a  slave?  And  might  it  not  be  well  at  the  same  time  to 
provide  by  law  for  the  enforcement  of  that  clause  in  the  Consti- 
tution, which  guarantees  that '  the  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be 
entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in  tho 
several  States?' 


90       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN". 

"  I  take  the  official  oath  to-day  with  no  mental  reservations, 
and  with  no  purpose  to  construe  the  Constitution  or  laws  by 
any  hypercritical  rules ;  and  while  I  do  not  choose  now  to 
specify  particular  acts  of  Congress  as  proper  to  be  enforced,  I 
do  suggest  that  it  will  be  much  safer  for  all,  both  in  official  and 
private  stations,  to  conform  to  and  abide  by  all  those  acts  which 
stand  unrepealed,  than  to  violate  any  of  them,  trusting  to  find 
impunity  in  having  them  held  to  be  unconstitutional. 

"It  is  seventy-two  years  since  the  first  inauguration  of  a 
President  under  our  national  Constitution.  During  that  period 
fifteen  different  and  very  distinguished  citizens  have  in  succes- 
sion administered  the  executive  branch  of  the  government. 
They  have  conducted  it  through  many  perils,  and  generally 
with  great  success.  Yet,  with  all  this  scope  for  precedent,  I 
now  enter  upon  the  same  task,  for  the  brief  constitutional  term 
of  four  years,  under  great  and  peculiar  difficulties. 

"A  disruption  of  the  Federal  Union,  heretofore  only  menaced, 
is  now  formidably  attempted.  I  hold  that  in  the  contemplation 
of  universal  law  and  of  the  Constitution,  the  Union  of  these 
States  is  perpetual.  Perpetuity  is  implied,  if  not  expressed,  in 
the  fundamental  law  of  all  national  governments.  It  is  safe 
to  assert  that  no  government  proper  ever  had  a  provision  in  its 
organic  law  for  its  own  termination.  Continue  to  execute  all 
the  express  provisions  of  our  national  Constitution,  and  the 
Union  will  endure  forever,  it  being  impossible  to  destroy  it  ex- 
cept by  some  action  not  provided  for  in  the  instrument  itself. 

"Again,  if  the  United  States  be  not  a  government  proper,  but 
an  association  of  States  in  the  nature  of  a  contract  merely,  can 
it,  as  a  contract,  be  peaceably  unmade  by  less  than  all  the  parties 
who  made  it?  One  party  to  a  contract  may  violate  it — break  it, 
so  to  speak;  but  does  it  not  require  all  to  lawfully  rescind  it? 
Descending  from  these  general  principles,  we  find  the  proposi- 
tion that  in  legal  contemplation  the  Union  is  perpetual,  con- 
firmed by  the  history  of  the  Union  itself. 

"  The  Union  is  much  older  than  the  Constitution.  It  was 
formed,  in  fact,  by  the  Articles  of  Association  in  1774.  It  was 
matured  and  continued  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  in 
1776.  It  was  further  matured,  and  the  faith  of  all  the  then 
thirteen  States  expressly  plighted  and  engaged  that  it  should  be 
perpetual,  by  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  in  1778;  and, 
finally,  in  1787,  one  of  the  declared  objects  for  ordaining  and 
establishing  the  Constitution  was  to  form  a  more  perfect 
Union.  But  if  the  destruction  of  the  Union  by  one  or  by  a 
part  only  of  the  States  be  lawfully  possible,  the  Union  is  less 
than  before,  the  Constitution  having  lost  the  vital  element  of 
perpetuity. 

"  It  follows  from  these  views  that  no  State,  upon  its  own  me'-e 
motion,  can  lawfully  get  out  of  the  Union  ;  that  resolves  and 
orainances  to  that  effect  are  legally  void  ;  and  that  acts  of  vio 


1 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       91 

lence  within  any  State  or  States  against  the  authority  of  the 
United  States  are  insurrectionary  or  revolutionary,  according  to 
circumstances. 

"  I  therefore  consider  that,  in  view  of  the  Constitution  and 
the  laws,  the  Union  is  unbroken,  and,  to  the  extent  of  my 
ability,  I  shall  take  care,  as  the  Constitution  itself  expressly 
enjoins  upon  me,  that  the  laws  of  the  Union  shall  be  faithfully 
executed  in  all  the  States.  Doing  this,  which  I  deem  to  be  only 
a  simple  duty  on  my  part,  I  shall  perfectly  perform  it,  so  far  as 
is  practicable,  unless  my  rightful  masters,  the  American  people, 
shall  withhold  the  requisition,  or,  in  some  authoritative  manner, 
direct  the  contrary. 

"  I  trust  this  will  not  be  regarded  as  a  menace,  but  only  as  the 
declared  purpose  of  the  Union  that  it  will  constitutionally  defend 
and  maintain  itself. 

"  In  doing  this  there  need  be  no  bloodshed  or  violence,  and 
there  shall  be  none  unless  it  is  forced  upon  the  national  au- 
thority. 

"  The  pow.er  confided  to  me  will  he  used  to  hold,  occupy,  and 
possess  the  property  and  places  belonging  to  the  government,  and 
collect  the  duties  and  imposts  ;  but  beyond  what  may  be  neces- 
sary for  these  objects  there  will  be  no  invasion,  no  using  of  force 
against  or  among  the  people  anywhere. 

"  Where  hostility  to  the  United  States  shall  be  so  great  and 
so  universal  as  to  prevent  competent  resident  citizens  from  holding 
the  Federal  offices,  there  will  be  no  attempt  to  force  obnoxious 
strangers  among  the  people  that  object.  While  strict  legal  right 
may  exist  of  the  government  to  enforce  the  exercise  of  these 
offices,  the  attempt  to  do  so  would  be  so  irritating,  and  so 
rearly  impracticable  withal,  that  I  deem  it  better  to  forego  for 
the  time  the  uf-es  of  such  offices. 

"The  mails,  unless  repelled,  will  continue  to  be  furnished  to 
all  parts  of  the  Union. 

"  So  far  as  possible,  the  people  everywhere  shall  have  that 
sense  of  perfect  security  which  is  most  favorable  to  calm  thought 
and  reflection. 

*"J'he  course  here  indicated  will  be  followed,  unless  current 
events  and  experience  shall  show  a  modification  or  change  to  be 
proper;  and  in  every  case  and  exigency  my  best  discretion  will 
be  exercised  according  to  the  circumstances  actually  existing, 
and  with  a  view  and  hope  of  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  national 
troubles,  and  the  restoration  of  fraternal  sympathies  and  af- 
fections. 

'*  That  there  are  persons,  in  one  section  or  another,  who  seek 
to  destroy  the  Union  at  all  events,  and  are  glad  of  any  pretext 
to  do  it,  I  will  neither  affirm  nor  deny.  But  if  there  be  such,  I 
need  address  no  word  to  them. 

"To  those,  however,  who  really  love  the  Union,  may  I  not 
speak,  before  entering  upon  so  grave  a  matter  as  the  destruc- 


92       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  UNCOLN". 

tion  of  our  national  fabric,  with  all  its  benefits,  its  memories, 
and  its  hopes?  Would  it  not  be  well  to  ascertain  why  we  do 
it?  Will  you  hazard  so  desperate  a  step,  while  any  portion  of 
the  ills  you  fly  from  have  no  real  existence?  Will  you,  while 
the  certain  ills  you  fly  to,  are  greater  than  all  the  real  ones  you 
fly  from  ?  Will  you  risk  the  commission  of  so  fearful  a  mistake? 
All  profess  to  be  content  in  the  Union  if  all  constitutional  rights 
can  be  maintained.  Is  it  true,  then,  that  any  right,  plainly  writ- 
ten in  the  Constitution,  has  been  denied?  I  think  not.  Hap- 
pily the  human  mind  is  so  constituted,  that  no  party  can  reach 
to  the  audacity  of  doing  this. 

"  Think,  if  you  can,  of  a  single  instance  in  which  a  plainly- 
written  provision  of  the  Constitution  has  ever  been  denied.  If,  by 
the  mere  force  of  numbers,  a  majority  should  deprive  a  minority 
of  any  clearly-written  constitutional  right,  it  might,  in  a  moral 
point  of  view,  justify  revolution  ;  it  certainly  would,  if  such  right 
were  a  vital  one.     But  such  is  not  our  case. 

"All  the  vital  rights  of  minorities  and  of  individuals  are  so 
plainly  assured  to  them  by  affirmations  and  negations,  guar- 
antees and  prohibitions  in  the  Constitution,  that  controversies 
never  rise  concerning  them.  But  no  organic  law  can  ever  be 
framed  with  a  provision  specifically  applicable  to  every  question 
which  may  occur  in  practical  administration.  No  foresight  can 
anticipate,  nor  any  document  of  reasonable  length  contain,  ex- 
press provisions  for  all  possible  questions.  Shall  fugitives  from 
labor  be  surrendered  by  national  or  by  State  authorities?  The 
Constitution  does  not  expressly  say.  Must  Congress  protect 
slavery  in  the  territories?  The  Constitution  does  not  expressly 
Bay.  From  questions  of  this  class  spring  all  our  constitutional 
controversies,  and  we  divide  upon  them  into  majorities  and 
minorities. 

"  If  the  minority  will  not  acquiesce,  the  majority  must,  or  the 
government  must  cease.  There  is  no  alternative  for  continuing 
the  government  but  acquiescence  on  the  one  side  or  the  other.  If 
a  minority  in  such  a  case  will  secede  rather  than  acquiesce,  they 
make  a  precedent  which  in  turn  will  ruin  and  divide  them,  for  a 
minority  of  their  own  will  secede  from  them  whenever  a  ma- 
jority refuses  to  be  controlled  by  such  a  minority.  For  instance, 
why  not  any  portion  of  a  new  confederacy,  a  year  or  two  hence, 
arbitarily  secede  again,  precisely  as  portions  of  the  present 
Union  now  claim  to  secede  from  it?  All  who  cherish  disunion 
sentiments  are  now  being  educated  to  the  exact  temper  of  doing 
this.  Is  there  such  perfect  identity  of  interests  among  th« 
States  to  compose  a  new  Union  as  to  produce  harmony  only, 
and  prevent  renewed  secession?  Plainly,  the  central  idea  of 
secession  is  the  essence  of  anarchy. 

"A  majority  held  in  restraint  by  constitutional  check  and 
limitations,  and  always  changing  easily  with  deliberate  changes 
of  popular  opinions  and  sentiments,  is  the  only  true  sovereign  of 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       93 

a  free  people.  Whoever  reject  it,  does,  of  necessity,  fly  to  an- 
archy or  to  despotism.  Unanimity  is  impossible  ;  the  rule  of  a 
majority,  as  a  permanent  arrangement,  is  wholly  inadmissible. 
So  that,  rejecting-  the  majority  principle,  anarchy  or  despotism 
in  some  form  is  all  that  is  left. 

"  I  do  not  forget  the  position  assumed  by  some  that  constitu- 
tional questions  are  to  be  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court,  nor  do 
I  deny  that  such  decisions  must  be  binding  in  any  case  upon  the 
parties  to  a  suit,  as  to  the  object  of  that  suit,  while  they  are  also 
entitled  to  very  high  respect  and  consideration  in  all  parallel 
cases  by  all  other  departments  of  the  government :  and  while  it 
is  obviously  possible  that  such  decision  may  be  erroneous  in  any 
given  case,  still  the  evil  effect  following  it,  being  limited  to  that 
particular  case,  with  the  chance  that  it  may  be  overruled  and 
never  become  a  precedent  for  other  cases,  can  better  be  borne 
than  could  the  evils  of  a  different  practice. 

"At  the  same  time,  the  candid  citizen  must  confess  that,  if  the 
policy  of  the  government  upon  the  vital  questions  ailecting  the 
whole  people  is  to  be  irrevocably  fixed  by  the  decisions  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  the  instant  they  are  made,  as  in  ordinary  litiga- 
tion between  parties  in  personal  actions,  the  people  will  have 
ceased  to  be  their  own  masters,  unless  having  to  that  extent 
practically  resigned  their  government  into  the  bands  of  that 
eminent  tribunal. 

"  Nor  is  there  in  this  view  any  assault  upon  the  court  or  the 
judges.  It  is  a  duty  from  which  they  may  not  shrink,  to  decide 
cases  properly  brought  before  them  ;  and  it  is  no  fault  of  theirs 
if  others  seek  to  turn  their  decisions  to  political  purposes.  One 
section  of  our  country  believes  slavery  is  right,  and  ought  to  be 
extended,  while  the  other  believes  it  is  wrong,  and  ought  not  to 
be  extended  ;  and  this  is  the  only  substantial  dispute  ;  and  the 
fugitive  slave  clause  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  law  for  the 
suppression  of  the  foreign  slave-trade,  are  each  as  well  enforced, 
perhaps,  as  any  law  can  ever  be  in  a  community  where  the  moral 
sense  of  the  people  imperfectly  supports  the  law  itself.  The 
great  body  of  the  people  abide  by  the  dry  legal  obligation  iu 
both  cases,  and  a  few  break  over  in  each.  This,  I  think,  cannot 
be  perfectly  cured,  and  it  would  be  worse,  iu  both  cases,  after 
the  separation  of  the  sections,  than  before.  The  foreign  slave- 
trade,  now  imperfectly  suppressed,  would  be  ultimately  revived, 
without  restriction,  in  one  section  ;  while  fugitive  slaves,  now 
only  partially  surrendered,  would  not  be  surrendered  at  aU  by 
the  other. 

*'  Physically  speaking,  we  cannot  separate — we  cannot  remove 
our  respective  sections  from  each  other,  nor  build  an  impassable 
wall  between  them.  A  husband  and  w.fe  may  be  divorced,  and 
go  out  of  the  presence  and  beyond  the  reach  of  the  other,  but 
the  dififerent  parts  of  our  country  cannot  do  that.  They  cannot 
but  remain  face  to  face ;   and  intercourse,  either  amicable  or 


94:       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

hostile,  must  continue  between  them.  Is  it  possible,  then,  to 
make  that  intercourse  more  advantageous  or  more  satisfactory 
after  separation  than  before?  Can  aliens  make  treaties  easier 
than  friends  can  make  laws?  Can  treaties  be  more  faithfully 
enforced  between  aliens  than  laws  can  among  friends?  Suppose 
you  go  to  war,  you  cannot  tight  always ;  and  when,  after  much 
loss  on  both  sides,  and  no  gain  on  either,  you  cease  fighting,  the 
identical  questions  as  to  terms  of  intercourse  are  again  upon 
you. 

"  This  country,  with  its  institutions,  belongs  to  the  people  who 
iahabit  it.  Whenever  they  shall  grow  weary  of  the  existing 
government,  they  can  exercise  their  constitutional  right  of 
amending,  or  their  revolutionary  right  to  dismember  or  over- 
throw it.  I  cannot  be  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  many  worthy 
and  patriotic  citizens  are  desirous  of  having  the  national  Con- 
stitution amended.  While  I  make  no  recommendation  of  amend- 
ment, I  fully  recognize  the  full  authority  of  the  people  over 
the  whole  subject,  to  be  exercised  in  either  of  the  modes  pre- 
scribed in  the  instrument  itself,  and  I  should,  under  existing 
circumstances,  favor,  rather  than  oppose,  a  fair  opportunity 
being  afforded  the  people  to  act  upon  it. 

"  1  will  venture  to  add  that  to  me  the  convention  mode  seems 
preferable,  in  that  it  allows  amendments  to  originate  with  the 
people  themselves,  instead  of  only  permitting,  them  to  take  or 
reject  propositions  originated  by  others  not  especially  chosen  for 
the  purpose,  and  which  might  not  be  precisely  such  as  they 
would  wish  either  to  accept  or  refuse.  I  understand  that  a  pro- 
posed amendment  to  the  Constitution  (which  amendment,  how- 
ever, I  have  not  seen)  has  passed  Congress,  to  the  effect  that 
the  Federal  Government  shall  never  interfere  with  the  domestic 
institutions  of  States,  including  that  of  persons  held  to  service. 
To  avoid  misconstruction  of  what  I  have  said,  I  depart  from  my 
purpose  not  to  speak  of  particular  amendments,  so  far  as  to  say 
that,  holding  such  a  provision  to  now  be  implied  constitutional 
law,  I  have  no  objections  to  its  being  made  express  and  irrevo- 
cable. 

"  The  chief  magistrate  derives  all  his  authority  from  the  peo- 
ple, and  they  have  conferred  none  upon  him  to  fix  the  terms  for 
the  separation  of  the  States.  The  people  themselves,  also,  can 
do  this  if  they  choose,  but  the  Executive,  as  such,  has  nothing 
to  do  with  it.  His  duty  is  to  administer  the  present  government 
as  it  came  to  his  hands,  and  to  transmit  it,  unimpaired  by  him, 
to  his  successor.  Why  should  there  not  be  a  patient  confidence 
in  the  ultimate  justice  of  the  people  ?  Is  there  any  better  or 
equal  hope  in  the  world?  In  our  present  differences,  is  either 
party  without  faith  of  being  in  the  right?  If  the  Almighty 
Ruler  of  nations,  with  his  eternal  truth  and  justice,  be  on  your 
side  of  the  North,  or  on  yours  of  the  South,  that  truth  and  that 
justice  will  surely  prevail  by  the  judgment  of  this  great  tribunal, 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       95 

the  American  people.  By  the  frame  of  the  government  under 
which  we  live,  this  same  people  have  wisely  given  their  public 
servants  but  little  power  for  mischief,  and  have,  with  equal  wis- 
dom, provided  for  the  return  of  that  little  to  their  own  hands  at 
very  short  intervals.  While  the  people  retain  their  virtue  and 
vigilance,  no  administration,  by  any  extreme  wickedness  or 
folly,  can  very  seriously  injure  the  government  in  the  short  space 
of  four  years. 

"  My  countrymen,  one  and  all,  think  calmly  and  well  upon 
this  whole  subject.  Nothing  valuable  can  be  lost  by  taking 
time. 

"  If  there  be  an  object  to  hurry  any  of  you,  in  hot  haste,  to 
a  step  which  you  would  never  take  deliberately,  that  object  will 
be  frustrated  by  taking  time ;  but  no  good  object  can  be  frus- 
trated by  it. 

"  Such  of  you  as  are  now  dissatisfied  still  have  the  old  Con- 
stitution unimpaired,  and,  on  the  sensitive  point,  the  laws  of  your 
own  framing  under  it;  while  the  new  administration  will  have 
no  immediate  power,  if  it  would,  to  change  either, 

"If  it  were  admitted  that  you  who  are  dissatisfied  hold  the 
right  side  in  the  dispute,  there  is  still  no  single  reason  for  pre- 
cipitate action.  Intelligence,  patriotism,  Christianity,  and  a 
firm  reliance  on  Him  who  has  never  yet  forsaken  this  favored 
land,  are  still  competent  to  adjust,  in  the  best  way,  all  our 
present  difficulties. 

"  In  your  hands,  my  dissatisfied  fellow-countrymen,  and  not  in 
mine,  is  the  momentous  issue  of  civil  war.  The  government 
will  not  assail  you. 

"  You  can  have  no  conflict  without  being  yourselves  the  ag- 
gressors. You  have  no  oath  registered  in  heaven  to  destroy 
the  government;  while  I  shall  have  the  most  solemn  one  to 
*  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  it.' 

"  I  am  loth  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends.  We 
must  not  be  enemies.  Though  passion  may  have  strained,  it 
must  not  break  our  bonds  of  aff*ection. 

"  The  mystic  cords  of  memory,  stretching  from  every  battle- 
field and  patriot  grave  to  every  living  heart  and  hearthstone  all 
over  this  broad  land,  will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the  Union, 
when  again  touched,  as  surely  they  will  be,  by  the  better  angels 
of  our  nature." 

Chief  Justice  Taney  then  administered  the  oath  of 
office,  and  President  Lincoln  left  the  Capitol  for  the 
White  House,  where  he  held  a  public  reception. 

PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S  INTERVIEW  WITH 
THE   VIRGINIA   COMMISSIONERS. 

On  the  13th  of  April,  1861,  Messrs.  Preston  Stuart  and 
6 


96       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Eandolpb,  a  committee  appointed  by  the  Virginia  Con- 
vention, were  formally  received  by  the  President,  and  pre- 
sented the  resolutions  under  which  they  were  appointed. 
In  response,  Mr.  Lincoln  made  the  following  address  : 

"  Gextlemkn  :  As  a  committee  of  the  Virginia  Convention, 
now  in  session,  you  present  me  a  preamble  and  resolution  in 
these  words  : 

"  '  Whereas,  in  the  opinion  of  this  Convention,  the  uncertainty 
■which  prevails  in  the  public  mind  as  to  the  policy  which  the 
Federal  Executive  intends  to  pursue  towards  the  seceded  States 
is  extremely  injurious  to  the  industrial  and  commercial  interests 
of  the  country,  tends  to  keep  up  an  excitement  which  is  un- 
favorable to  the  adjustment  of  the  pending  difficulties,  and 
threatens  a  disturbance  of  the  public  peace  ;  therefore, 

'•  'Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  three  delegates  be  appointed 
to  wait  on  the  President  of  the  United  States,  present  to  him 
this  preamble,  and  respectfully  ask  him  to  communicate  to  this 
Convention  the  policy  which  the  Federal  Executive  intends  to 
pursue  in  regard  to  the  Confederate  States.' 

*'  In  answer  I  have  to  say,  that  having,  at  the  beginning  of 
my  official  term,  expressed  my  intended  policy  as  plainly  as  I 
was  able,  it  is  with  deep  regret  and  mortification  I  now  learn  there 
is  great  and  injurious  uncertainty  in  the  public  mind  as  to  what 
that  policy  is,  and  what  course  I  intend  to  pursue.  Not  having 
as  yet  seen  occasion  to  change,  it  is  now  my  purpose  to  pursue 
the  course  marked  out  in  the  inaugural  address.  I  commend  a 
careful  consideration  of  the  whole  document  as  the  best  ex- 
pression I  can  give  to  my  purposes.  As  I  then  and  therein  said, 
1  now  repeat,  '  The  power  confided  in  me  will  be  used  to  hold, 
occupy,  and  possess  property  and  places  belonging  to  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  to  collect  the  duties  and  imports  ;  but  beyond 
what  is  necessary  for  these  objects  there  will  be  no  invasion,  no 
using  of  force  against  or  among  the  people  anywhere.'  By  the 
words  '  property  and  places  belonging  to  the  Government,'  I 
chiefly  allude  to  the  military  posts  and  property  which  were  ia 
possession  of  the  government  when  it  came  into  my  hands. 
But  if.  as  now  appears  to  be  true,  in  pursuit  of  a  purpose  to 
drive  the  United  States  authority  from  these  places,  an  unpro- 
voked assault  has  been  made  upon  Fort  Sumter,  I  shall  hold 
myself  at  liberty  to  repossess  it,  if  I  can.  like  places  which  had 
been  seized  before  the  Government  was  devolved  upon  me,  and 
in  any  event  I  shall,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  repel  force  by 
force.  In  case  it  proves  true  that  Fort  Sumter  has  been 
assaulted,  as  is  reported,  I  shall,  perhaps,  cause  the  United 
States  mails  to  be  withdrawn  from  all  the  States  which  claim  to 
have  seceded,  believing  that  the  commencement  of  actual  war 
against  the  Government  justifies  and  possibly  demands  it.     I 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       97 

scarcely  need  to  say  that  I  consider  the  military  posts  and 
property  situated  within  the  States  which  claim  to  have  seceded, 
as  yet  belonging  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States  as 
much  as  they  did  before  the  supposed  secession.  Whatever 
else  I  may  do  for  the  purpose,  I  shall  not  attempt  to  collect  the 
duties  and  imposts  by  any  armed  invasion  of  any  part  of  the 
country;  not  meaning  by  this,  however,  that  I  may  not  land  a 
force  deemed  necessary  to  relieve  a  fort  upon  the  border  of  the 
country.  From  the  fact  that  I  have  quoted  a  part  of  the 
inaugural  address,  it  must  not  be  inferred  that  I  repudiate  any 
other  part,  the  whole  of  which  I  reaffirm,  except  so  far  as  what  I 
now  say  of  the  mails  may  be  regarded  as  a  modification." 

Two  days  later  the  following  proclamation  was  issued  : 

THE   riRST  CALL  FOR  TROOPS.— CONGRESS 
SUMMONED  TO  ASSEMBLE. 

"  Whereas,  The  laws  of  the  United  States  have  been  for  some 
time  past,  and  now  are  opposed,  and  the  execution  thereof  ob- 
structed, in  the  States  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama, 
ri\)rida,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Texas,  by  combinations  too 
powerful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course  of  judicial  pro- 
ceedings, or  by  the  powers  vested  in  the  marshals  by  law  ;  now, 
therefore,  1.  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States, 
in  virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested  by  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws,  have  thought  fit  to  call  forth,  and  hereby  do  call  forth,  the 
militia  of  the  several  States  of  the  Union  to  the  aggregate  num- 
ber of  75,000,  in  order  to  suppress  said  combinations  and  to 
cause  the  laws  to  be  duly  executed. 

"  The  details  for  this  object  will  be  immediately  communicated 
to  the  State  authorities  through  the  War  Department.  I  ap- 
peal to  all  loyal  citizens  to  favor,  facilitate,  and  aid  this  effort 
to  maintain  the  honor,  the  integrity,  and  existence  of  our  na- 
tional Union,  and  the  perpetuity  of  popular  government,  and  to 
redress  wrongs  already  long  enough  endured.  I  deem  it  proper 
to  say  that  the  first  service  assigned  to  the  forces  hereby  called 
forth,  will  probably  be  to  repossess  the  forts,  places,  and  property 
■which  have  been  seized  from  the  Union  ;  and  in  every  event  ths 
utmost  care  will  be  observed,  consistently  with  the  objects  afore- 
said, to  avoid  any  devastation,  any  destruction  of,  or  interference 
with  property,  or  any  disturbance  of  peaceful  citizens  of  any 
part  of  the  countiy ;  and  I  hereby  command  the  persons  com- 
posing the  combinations  aforesaid,  to  disperse  and  retire  peace^ 
ably  to  their  respective  abodes,  within  twenty  days  from  this 
date. 

"  Deeming  that  the  present  condition  of  public  affairs  presentai 
an  extraordinary  occasion,  I  do  hereby,  in  virtue  of  the  power 
in  me  vested  by  the  Constitution,  convene  both  Houses  of  Con- 


98       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAil  LINCOLN. 

press.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  are,  therefore,  sum- 
moned to  assemble  at  their  respective  chambers  at  twelve  o'clock, 
nooQ,  on  Thursday,  the  fourth  day  of  July  next,  then  and  there 
to  consider  and  determine  such  measures  as,  in  their  wisdom,  the 
public  safety  and  interest  may  seem  to  demand. 

"  In  witness  whereof.  I  have  hereunto  set  ray  hand,  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 
*'  Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  fifteenth  day  of  April,  io 
the  year  of  our  Lord,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty- 
one,  and  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States  the  eighy- 
fifth. 

"  By  the  President :  "Abraham  Lincoln. 

"  William  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State." 

Within  three  days  after  the  appeal  had  been  made  to 
the  patriots  of  the  North,  six  hundred  of  their  number 
had  arrived  in  Washington,  prepared  for  active  duty  and 
ready  to  sacrifice  their  lives  in  defence  of  the  capital.  The 
avenues  to  the  city  of  Washington  were  guarded  night 
and  day,  and  cannon  were  placed  in  position.  The  excite- 
ment was  intense,  but  amid  all  the  various  apprehensions 
of  the  residents  and  the  country,  he,  who  really  should 
have  been  more  especially  anxious  and  fearful,  was  always 
calm  and  collected.  The  murderous  outbreak  in  Balti- 
more on  the  nineteenth  onlv  increased  the  excitement,  but, 
as  if  indifferent  to  the  scenes  wbicb  were  in  progress  im- 
mediately around  him,  the  President  issued  the  following 
Proclamation,  ordering  a  blockade  of  the  Southern  ports  : 

A  BLOCKADE  OF  SOUTHERN  PORTS  ORDERED. 

''Whereas,  An  insurrection  against  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  has  broken  out  in  the  States  of  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Alabama,  Florida,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Texas, 
and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  for  the  collection  of  the 
revenue  cannot  be  efficiently  executed  therein  conformably  to 
that  provision  of  the  Constitution  which  requires  duties  to  be 
uniform  throughout  the  United  States. 

''Aoid  whereas,  A  combination  of  persons,  engaged  in  such 
insurrection,  have  threatened  to  grant  pretended  letters  of 
marque  to  authorize  the  bearers  thereof  to  commit  assaults  on 
the  lives,  vessels,  and  property  of  good  citizens  of  the  country 
lawfully  engaged  in  commerce  on  the  high  seas,  and  in  waters 
of  the  United  States. 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       99 

*^And  whereas,  An  Executive  Proclamation  has  been  already 
issued,  requiring-  the  persons  eng-aged  in  these  disorderly  pro- 
ceeding's to  desist  therefrom,  calling-  out  a  militia  force  for  the 
puqjose  of  repressing  the  same,  and  convening-  Congress  in  ex- 
traordinary session  to  deliberate  and  determine  thereon. 

"  Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lixcoln,  President  of  th3 
United  States,  with  a  view  to  the  same  purpose  before  men- 
tioned, and  to  the  protection  of  the  public  peace,  and  the 
lives  and  property  of  quiet  and  orderly  citizens  pursuing  theii 
lawful  occupations,  until  Congress  shall  have  assembled  and  de- 
libei'ated  on  the  said  unlawful  proceedings,  or  until  the  same 
shall  have  ceased,  have  further  deemed  it  advisable  to  set  on 
foot  a  blockade  of  the  ports  within  the  States  aforesaid,  in  pur- 
suance of  the  laws  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  laws  of  nations 
in  such  cases  provided.  For  this  purpose  a  competent  force  will 
be  posted  so  as  to  prevent  entrance  and  exit  of  vessels  from  the 
ports  aforesaid.  If,  therefore,  with  a  view  to  violate  such  block- 
ade, a  vessel  shall  approach,  or  shall  attempt  to  leave  any  of  the 
6aid  ports,  she  will  be  duly  warned  by  the  commander  of  one  of 
the  blockading  vessels,  who  will  indorse  on  her  register  the  facl 
and  date  of  such  warning  ;  and  if  the  same  vessel  shall  agaia 
attempt  to  enter  or  leave  the  blockaded  port,  she  will  be  cap 
tured  and  sent  to  the  nearest  convenient  port,  for  such  proceed 
ings  against  her  and  her  cargo  as  prize  as  may  be  deemed  ad 
visable. 

"And  I  hereby  proclaim  and  declare,  that  if  any  person,  un- 
der the  pretended  authority  of  said  States,  or  under  any  other 
pretence,  shall  molest  a  vessel  of  the  United  States,  or  the 
persons  or  cargo  on  board  of  her,  such  person  will  be  held 
amenable  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States  for  the  prevention 
and  punishment  of  piracy. 

"  By  the  President :  "Abraham  Lincoln. 

"William  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State. 
"  Washington,  April  19^/i,  1861." 

THE    PPvESIDENT'S   COMMUNICATIOIT   WITH 
THE  MARYLAHSTD  AUTHORITIES. 

On  the  twentieth  of  April,  the  President  sent  the  follow- 
ing letter  to  the  Governor  of  Maryland  and  also  to  the 
Mayor  of  Baltimore  : 

"  Washington,  April  2Qih,  1861. 

"  Governor  Hicks  and  Mayor  Brown  : 

"Gentlemen: — Your  letter  by  Messrs.  "Bond,  Dobbin,  and 
Brune,  is  received.  I  tender  you  both  my  sincere  thanks  for 
your  efforts  to  keep  the  peace  in  the  trying  situation  in  which 
you  are  placed.  For  the  future,  troops  must  be  brought  here, 
but  I  make  no  point  of  bringing  them  through  Baltimore. 


100     tIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"Without  any  military  knowledsre  myself,  of  course  I  must 
leave  details  to  General  Scott.  He  hastily  said  this  morning, 
in  presence  of  those  gentlemen, '  March  them  around  Baltimore, 
and  not  through  it.* 

"I  sincerely  hope  the  general,  on  fuller  reflection,  will  con- 
eider  this  practical  and  proper,  and  that  you  will  not  object  to 
Jt.  By  this  a  collision  of  the  people  of  Baltimore  with  the 
troops  will  be  avoided,  unless  they  go  out  of  the  way  to  seek  it. 
I  hope  you  will  exert  your  influence  to  prevent  this.  Now  and 
ever,  I  shall  do  all  in  my  power  for  peace,  consistently  with  the 
maintenance  of  government 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"A.  Lincoln." 

And  on  the  twenty-first,  he  sent  a  despatch  to  Mayor 
Brown,  requesting  him  to  proceed  immediately  to  Wash- 
ington, a  request  that  was  obeyed,  and  upon  arriving  at 
the  White  House  the  invited  guest  was  admitted  to  an 
interview  with  the  Cabinet  and  General  Scott.  The  Presi- 
dent informed  the  Mayor,  and  three  of  the  citizens  of  Bal- 
timore who  had  accompanied  him,  that  he  recognized  the 
good  faith  of  the  City  and  State  authorities,  but  should 
insist  upon  a  recognition  of  his  own. 

He  admitted  the  excited  state  of  feeling  in  Baltimore, 
and  his  desire  and  duty  to  avoid  the  fatal  consequences 
of  a  collision  with  the  people.  He  urged,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  absolute,  irresistible  necessity  of  having  a  tran- 
sit through  the  State  for  such  troops  as  might  be  neces- 
sary for  the  protection  of  the  Federal  capital.  The  pro- 
tection of  Washington,  he  asseverated  with  great  earnest- 
ness, was  the  sole  object  of  concentrating  troops  there ; 
and  he  protested  that  none  of  the  troops  brought  through 
Maryland  were  intended  for  any  purports  hostile  to  the 
State,  or  aggressive  as  against  the  Southern  States.  Being 
now  unable  to  bring  them  up  the  Potomac  in  secmty,  the 
Government  must  either  bring  them  through  Maryland  or 
abandon  the  capital. 

He  called  on  General  Scott  for  his  opinion,  which  the 
General  gave  at  length,  to  the  effect  that  troops  might  be 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    101 


y 


brought  through  Maryland,  without  going  through  Balti- 
more, by  either  carrying  them  from  Perry  ville  to  Annapo- 
lis, and  thence  by  rail  to  Washington,  or  by  bringing  them 
to  the  Kelay  House  on  the  Northern  Central  railroad,  and 
marching  them  to  the  Relay  House  on  the  Washington 
railroad,  and  thence  by  rail  to  the  capital.  If  the  people 
would  permit  them  to  go  by  either  of  these  routes  uninter- 
ruptedly, the  necessity  of  their  passing  through  Baltimore 
would  be  avoided.  If  the  people  would  not  permit  them 
a  transit  thus  remote  from  the  city,  they  must  select  their 
own  best  route,  and,  if  need  be,  fight  their  way  through 
Baltimore,  a  result  which  the  General  earnestly  depre- 
cated. 

The  President  expressed  his  hearty  concurrence  in  the 
desire  to  avoid  a  collision,  and  said  that  no  more  troops 
should  be  ordered  through  Baltimore  if  they  were  per- 
mitted to  go  uninterrupted  by  either  of  the  other  routes 
suggested.  In  this  disposition  the  Secretary  of  War  ex- 
pressed his  participation. 

About  this  same  date  a  deputation  of  sympathizers 
visited  the  President,  and  demanded  a  cessation  of  hostili- 
ties until  the  convening  of  Congress,  accompanying  the 
demand  with  the  assertion  that  seventy-five  thousand 
Marylanders  would  contest  the  passage  of  troops  over 
their  soil.  Mr,  Lincoln,  in  refusing  to  accede  to  the  truce, 
quietly  replied  that  he  presumed  there  was  room  enough 
on  her  soil  to  bury  seventy-five  thousand  men. 

BLOCKADING    OF    VIRGINIA    AND    NORTH 

CAROLINA. 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  April,  the  following  additional 
proclamation,  extending  the  blockade,  was  issued  : 

*^  Whereas,  For  the  reasons  assigned  in  my  proclamation  of 
tne  19th  instant,  a  blockade  of  the  ports  of  the  States  of  South 
Oaiolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Louisiana,  Mississippi, 
and  Texas,  was  ordered  to  be  established  ;  And  whereas,  Since 


102   LIFE  a:;  b  services  of  Abraham  Lincoln-. 

that  date  public  property  of  the  United  States  has  been  seized, 
the  collecfcion  of  the  revenue  obstructed,  and  duly  commissioned 
officers  of  the  United  States,  while  engaged  in  executing  the 
orders  of  their  superiors,  have  been  arrested  and  held  in  custody 
as  prisoners,  or  have  been  impeded  in  the  discharge  of  their 
official  duties,  without  due  legal  process,  by  persons  claiming  to 
act  under  authority  of  the  States  of  Virginia  and  North  Caro- 
lina, an  efficient  blockade  of  the  ports  of  these  States  will  there- 
fore also  be  established. 

*'  In  witness  whereof,  1  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

•'  Uune  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  27th  day  of  April,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-one, 
and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty- 
fifth. 

"  By  the  President :  "Abraham  Lincoln. 

"William  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State.'* 

Although  the  first  call  for  troops  had  been  responded  to 
in  the  most  gratifying  manner  by  the  outraged  citizens  of 
the  free  States,  it  was  early  ascertained  that  the  number 
asked  was  totally  insufficient  for  the  existing  exigencies, 
and  on  the  third  of  May  the  following  proclamation  was 
issued : 

A  CALL  FOR  ADDITIONAL  TROOPS. 

"  WAsmNGTON,  Friday,  May  M,  1861. 

"WTiereas,  Existing  exigencies  demand  immediate  and  ade- 
quate measures  for  the  protection  of  the  national  Constitution 
and  the  preservation  of  the  national  Union  by  the  suppression 
of  the  insurrectionary  combinations  now  existing  in  several 
States  for  opposing  the  laws  of  the  Union  and  obstructing  the 
execution  thereof,  to  which  end  a  military  force,  in  addition  to 
that  called  forth  by  my  Proclamation  of  the  fifteenth  day  of 
April,  in  the  present  year,  appears  to  be  indispensably  neces- 
sary, now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy 
thereof,  and  of  the  militia  of  the  several  States,  when  called  into 
actual  service,  do  hereby  call  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States  forty-two  thousand  and  thirty-four  volunteers,  to  serve 
for  a  period  of  three  years,  unless  sooner  discharged,  and  tc  be 
mustered  into  service  as  infantry  and  cavalry.  The  proportions 
of  each  arm  and  the  details  of  enrolment  and  organization  will 
be  made  known  through  the  Department  of  War;  and  I  also 
direct  that  the  regular  army  of  the  United  States  be  increased 
by  the  addition  of  eight  regiments  of  infantry,  one  regiment  ol 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  IINCOLN.    1C3 

cavalry,  and  one  regiment  of  artillery,  makin,?  altogether  a 
maximum  aggregate  increase  of  22,714  officers  and  enlisted  men, 
the  details  of  which  increase  will  also  be  made  known  through 
the  Department  of  War ;  and  I  further  direct  the  enlistment, 
for  not  less  than  one  nor  more  than  three  years,  of  18,000  sea- 
men, in  addition  to  the  present  force,  for  the  naval  service  of 
the  United  States.  The  details  of  the  enlistment  and  organiza- 
tion will  be  made  known  through  the  Department  of  the  Navy. 
The  call  for  volunteers,  hereby  made,  and  the  direction  of  the 
increase  of  the  regular  army,  and  for  the  enlistment  of  seamen 
hereby  given,  together  with  the  plan  of  organization  adopted  for 
the  volunteers  and  for  the  regular  forces  hereby  authorized,  will 
be  submitted  to  Congress  as  soon  as  assembled. 

*'  In  the  meantime,  I  earnestly  invoke  the  co-operation  of  all 
good  citizens  in  the  measures  hereby  adopted  for  the  efiectual 
suppression  of  unlawful  violence,  for  the  impartial  enforcement 
of  constitutional  laws,  and  for  the  speediest  possible  restoration 
of  peace  and  order,  and  with  those  of  happiness  and  prosperity 
throughout  our  country. 

"  In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and 
caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 
*'  Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  third  day  of  May,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-one, 
and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty- 
fifth. 

•'  By  the  President :  "Abraham  Lincoln. 

"  William  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State.'' 

AN  INTERVIEW  WITH   THE  MARYLAND 

LEGISLATURE. 

On  the  follov^ing  day,  the  President  bad  an  interview 
with  a  Committee  of  the  Maryland  Legislature,  who  ad- 
mitted the  right  of  the  Government  to  transport  troops 
through  Baltimore  or  Maryland,  but  expressed  their  belief 
that  no  immediate  efforts  would  be  made  by  the  State  au- 
thorities at  secession  or  resistance,  and  asked  that  the 
State  might  be  spared  military  occupation,  or  a  mere  re- 
vengeful chastisement  for  former  transgressions.  The 
President,  in  reply,  promised  to  give  their  suggestions  a 
respectful  consideration,  and  stated  that  whatever  meas- 
ures might  be  adopted,  would  be  actuated  entirely  by  the 
public  interests  an-d  not  by  any  spirit  of  revenge. 


104      LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LIXCOLN. 

A  SPECIAL   ORDER  FOR  FLORIDA. 

On  the  tenth  of  May,  1861,  the  following  proclamation 
was  promulgated  : 

'' Whereas,  An  iasurrection  exists  in  the  State  of  Florida,  by 
•which  the  lives,  liberty,  and  property  of  loyal  citizens  of  the 
United  States  are  endangered. 

*'And  whereas,  It  is  deemed  proper  that  all  needful  measures 
should  be  taken  for  the  protection  of  such  citizens  and  all  ofiBcers 
of  the  United  States  in  the  discharge  of  their  public  duties  ii 
the  State  aforesaid. 

"  Now,  therefore,  be  it  known  that  I,  Abraham  Lincoln, 
President  of  the  United  States,  do  hereby  direct  the  Com- 
mander of  the  forces  of  the  United  States  on  the  Florida  coast 
to  permit  no  person  to  exercise  any  office  or  authority  upon  the 
Islands  of  Key  West,  the  Tortugas,  and  Sauta  Rosa,  which 
may  be  inconsistent  with  the  laws  and  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  authorizing  him  at  the  same  time,  if  he  shall 
find  it  necessary,  to  suspend  there  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus, 
and  to  remove  from  the  vicinity  of  the  United  States  fortresses 
all  dangerous  or  suspected  persons. 

"  In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 
"  Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  tenth  day  of  May,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-one, 
and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty- 
fifth. 

"By  the  President :  "Abraham  Lincoln. 

"  William  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State." 

PRESIDENT    LINCOLN'S    FIRST    MESSAGE    TO 

CONGRESS. 

On  the  fourth  of  July,  1861,  Congress  assembled,  in 
pursuance  to  the  call  of  the  President,  and  received  from 
the  Executive  the  following  Message  : 

"  Fellow-Citizens  of  the  Senate  axd  House  of  Represen- 
tatives : — Having  been  convened  on  an  extraordinary  occasion, 
as  authorized  by  the  Constitution,  your  attention  is  not  called 
to  any  ordinary  subject  of  legislation.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
present  Presidential  term,  four  months  ago,  the  functions  of  the 
Federal  (rovernment  were  found  to  be  generally  suspended 
within  the  several  States  of  ^outh  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama, 
Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Florida,  excepting  only  those  of  the 
Post-Office  Department. 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    105 

"Within  these  States  all  the  Forts,  Arsenals,  Dock-Yards, 
Castom-Houses,  and  the  like,  including  the  movable  and  station- 
ary property  in  and  about  them,  had  been  seized,  and  were  held 
in  open  hostility  to  this  Government,  excepting  only  Forts 
Pickens,  Taylor,  and  Jefferson,  on  and  near  the  Florida  coast, 
and  Fort  Sumter  in  Charleston  harbor.  South  Carolina.  The 
forts  thus  seized  had  been  put  in  improved  condition,  new  ones 
had  been  built,  and  armed  forces  had  been  organized,  and  were 
organizing,  all  avowedly  for  the  same  hostile  purpose, 

"  The  forts  remaining  in  possession  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment in  and  near  these  States  were  either  besieged  or  menaced 
by  warlike  preparations,  and  especially  Fort  Sumter  was  nearly 
surrounded  by  well-protected  hostile  batteries,  with  guns  equal 
in  quality  to  the  best  of  its  own,  and  outnumbering  the  latter  as, 
perhaps,  ten  to  one — a  disproportionate  share  of  the  Federal 
muskets  and  rifles  had  somehow  found  their  way  into  these 
States,  and  had  been  seized  to  be  used  against  the  Government. 

"  Accumulations  of  the  public  revenue  lying  within  them  had 
been  seized  for  the  same  object.  The  navy  was  scattered  in 
distant  seas,  leaving  but  a  very  small  part  of  it  within  the  imme- 
diate reach  of  the  Government. 

"  Officers  of  the  Federal  army  had  resigned  in  great  numbers, 
And  of  tliose  resigning  a  large  proportion  had  taken  up  arms 
Against  the  Government. 

"  Simultaneously,  and  in  connection  with  all  this,  the  purpose 
*o  sever  the  Federal  Union  was  openly  avowed.  In  accordance 
with  this  purpose  an  ordinance  had  been  adopted  in  each  of  these 
States,  declaring  the  States  respectively  to  be  separated  from 
the  National  Union.  A  formula  for  instituting  a  combined 
Government  of  these  States  had  been  promulgated,  and  this 
illegal  organization,  in  the  character  of  the  '  Confederate  States,' 
was  already  invoking  recognition,  aid,  and  intervention  from 
foreign  Powers. 

"  Finding  this  condition  of  things,  and  believing  it  to  be  an 
imperative  duty  upon  the  incoming  Executive  to  prevent,  if  pos- 
sible, the  consummation  of  such  attempt  to  destroy  the  Federal 
Union,  a  choice  of  means  to  that  end  became  indispensable. 
This  choice  was  made  and  was  declared  in  the  Inaugural 
Address. 

"  The  policy  chosen  looked  to  the  exhaustion  of  all  peaceful 
measures  before  a  resort  to  any  stronger  ones.  It  sought  only 
to  hold  the  public  places  and  property  not  already  wrested  from 
the  Government,  and  to  collect  the  revenue,  relying  for  the  rest 
on  time,  discussion,  and  the  ballot-box.  It  promised  a  contin- 
uance of  the  mails,  at  Government  expense,  to  the  very  people 
who  were  resisting  the  Government,  and  it  gave  repeated  pledges 
against  any  disturbances  to  any  of  the  people,  or  any  of  their 
rights,  of  all  that  which  a  President  might  constitutionally  and 
justifiably  do  in  such  a  case  ;  every  thing  was  forborne,  without 
Which  it  was  believed  possible  to  keep  the  Government  ou  foot. 


106    LIFE  AXD  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN". 

"  On  the  5th  of  March,  the  present  incumbent's  first  full  day 
in  office,  a  letter  from  Major  Anderson,  commanding  at  Fort 
Sumter,  written  on  the  28th  of  February  and  received  at  the 
War  Department  on  the  4th  of  March,  was  by  that  Department 
placed  in  his  hands.  This  letter  expressed  the  professional 
opinion  of  the  writer,  that  reinforcements  could  not  be  thrown 
into  that  fort  within  the  time  for  its  relief  rendered  necessary  by 
the  limited  supply  of  provisions,  and  with  a  view  of  holding  pos- 
session of  the  same,  with  a  force  less  than  20,000  good  and  well- 
disciplined  men.  This  opinion  was  concurred  in  by  all  the 
officers  of  his  command,  and  their  memoranda  o'l  the  subject 
were  made  inclosures  of  Major  Anderson's  letter.  The  whole 
was  immediately  laid  before  Lieutenant-General  Scott,  who  at 
once  concurred  with  Major  Anderson  in  his  opinion.  On  re- 
flection, however,  he  took  full  time,  consulting  with  other  officers 
both  of  the  army  and  navy,  and  at  the  end  of  four  days  came 
reluctantly  but  decidedly  to  the  same  conclusion  as  before.  He 
also  stated  at  the  same  time  that  no  such  sufficient  force  was 
then  at  the  control  of  the  Government,  or  could  be  raised  and 
brought  to  the  ground,  within  the  time  when  the  provisions  in 
the  fort  would  be  exhausted.  In  a  purely  military  point  of  view, 
this  reduced  thfe  duty  of  the  Administration  in  the  case  to  the 
mere  matter  of  getting  the  garrison  safely  out  of  the  fort. 

"  It  was  believed,  however,  that  to  so  abandon  that  position, 
under  the  circumstances,  would  be  utterly  ruinous ;  that  the 
necessity  under  which  it  was  to  be  done  would  not  be  fully  un- 
derstood ;  that  by  many  it  would  be  construed  as  a  part  of  a 
voluntary  policy ;  that  at  home  it  would  discourage  the  friends 
of  the  Union,  embolden  its  adversaries,  aud  go  far  to  insure  to 
the  latter  a  recognition  abroad  ;  that,  in  fact,  it  would  be  our 
national  destruction  consummated.  This  could  not  be  allowed. 
Starvation  was  not  yet  upon  the  garrison,  and  ere  it  would  be 
reached,  Fort  Pickens  might  be  reinforced.  This  last  would 
be  a  clear  indication  of  policy,  and  would  better  enable  the 
country  to  accept  the  evacuation  of  Fort  Sumter  as  a  military 
necessity.  An  order  was  at  once  directed  to  be  sent  for  the 
landing  of  the  troops  from  the  steamship  Brooklyn  into  Fort 
Pickens.  This  order  could  not  go  by  land,  but  must  take  the 
longer  and  slower  route  by  sea.  The  first  return  news  from  the 
order  was  received  just  one  week  before  the  fall  of  Sumter.  The 
news  itself  was  that  the  officer  commanding  the  Sabine,  to  which 
vessel  the  troops  had  been  transferred  from  the  Brooklyn,  acting 
upon  some  quasi  armistice  of  the  late  Administration,  and  of 
the  existence  of  which  the  present  Administration,  up  to  the 
time  the  order  was  despatched,  had  only  too  vague  aud  uncertain 
rumors  to  fix  attention,  had  refused  to  land  the  troops.  To  now 
reinforce  Fort  Pickens  before  a  crisis  would  be  reached  at 
Fort  Sumter  was  impossible,  rendered  so  by  the  near  exhaustion 
of  provisions  at  the  latter  named  fort.     In  precaution  against 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    107 

Bucli  a  conjuncture  the  Government  had  a  few  days  before  com- 
menced y)reparing  an  expedition,  as  well  adapted  as  might  be,  to 
relieve  Port  Sumter,  which  expedition  was  intended  to  be  ulti- 
mately used  or  not,  according  to  circumstances.  The  strongest 
anticipated  case  for  using  it  was  now  presented,  and  it  was  re- 
solved to  send  it  forward  as  had  been  intended.  In  this  contin- 
gen<.  y  it  was  also  resolved  to  notify  the  Governor  of  South  Caro- 
lina that  he  might  expect  an  attempt  would  be  made  to  pro- 
vision the  fort,  and  that  if  the  attempt  should  not  be  resisted, 
there  would  be  no  attempt  to  throw  in  men,  arms,  or  ammu- 
nition, without  further  notice  or  in  case  of  an  attack  upon  the 
fort.  This  notice  was  accordingly  given,  whereupon  the  fort 
was  attacked  and  bombarded  to  its  fall,  without  even  awaiting 
the  arrival  of  the  provisioning  expedition, 

"  It  is  thus  seen  that  the  assault  upon,  and  reduction  of  Fort 
Sumter,  was,  in  no  sense,  a  matter  of  self-defence  on  the  part 
of  the  assailants.  They  well  knew  that  the  garrison  in  the  fort 
could  by  no  possibility  commit  aggression  upon  them  ;  they 
knew  they  were  expressly  notified  that  the  giving  of  bread  to  the 
few  brave  and  hungry  men  of  the  garrison  was  all  which  would 
on  that  occasion  be  attempted,  unless  themselves,  by  resisting 
so  much,  should  provoke  more.  They  knew  that  this  Govern- 
ment desired  to  keep  the  garrison  in  the  fort,  not  to  assail 
them,  but  merely  to  maintain  visible  possession,  and  thus  to  pre- 
serve the  Union  from  actual  and  immediate  dissolution  ;  trust- 
ing, as  hereinbefore  stated,  to  time,  discussion,  and  the  ballot- 
box  for  final  adjustment,  and  they  assailed  and  reduced  the  fort, 
for  precisely  the  reverse  object,  to  drive  out  the  visible  authority 
of  the  Federal  Union,  and  thus  force  it  to  immediate  dissolution ; 
that  this  was  their  object  the  Executive  well  understood,  having 
said  to  them  in  the  Inaugural  Address,  *  you  can  have  no  con- 
flict without  being  yourselves  the  aggressors,'  He  took  pains 
not  only  to  keep  this  declaration  good,  but  also  to  keep  the  case 
so  far  from  ingenious  sophistry  as  that  the  world  should  not 
misunderstand  it.  By  the  affair  at  Fort  Sumter,  with  its  sur- 
rounding circumstances,  that  point  was  reached.  Then  and 
thereby  the  assailants  of  the  Government  began  the  conflict  of 
arms, — without  a  gun  in  sight  or  in  expectancy  to  return  their 
fire,  save  only  the  few  in  the  fort  sent  to  that  harbor  yeaia 
before,  for  their  own  protection,  and  still  ready  to  give  that  pro- 
tection in  whatever  was  lawful.  In  this  act,  discarding  all  else, 
they  have  forced  upon  the  country  the  distinct  issue,  immediate 
dissolution  or  blood,  and  this  issue  embraces  more  than  the  fate 
of  these  United  States.  It  presents  to  the  whole  family  of 
man  the  question  whether  a  Constitutional  Republic  or  De- 
mocracy, a  Government  of  the  people,  by  the  same  people,  can 
or  cannot  maintain  its  territorial  integrity  against  its  own 
domestic  foes.  It  presents  the  question  whether  discontented 
iudividaals,  too  few  in  numbers  to  control  the  AdministratioQ 


108    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

according  to  the  organic  law  in  any  case,  can  always,  npon 
the  pretences  made  in  this  case,  or  any  other  pretences 
or  arbitrarily  without  any  pretence,  break  up  their  Govern- 
ment, and  thus  practically  put  an  end  to  free  governmeLt 
upon  the  earth.  It  forces  us  to  ask,  '  Is  there  in  all  republics 
this  inherent  and  fatal  weakness  ?'  Must  a  Government  of 
necessity  be  too  strong  for  the  liberties  of  its  own  people,  or  too 
weak  to  maintain  its  own  existence?  So  viewing  the  issue,  no 
choice  was  left  but  to  call  out  the  war  power  of  the  Government, 
and  so  to  resist  the  force  employed  for  its  destruction  by  force 
for  its  preservation.  The  call  was  made,  and  the  response  of 
the  country  was  most  gratifying,  surpassing,  in  unanimity  and 
spirit,  the  most  sanguine  expectation.  Yet  none  of  the  States, 
commonly  called  slave  States,  except  Delaware,  gave  a  regi- 
ment through  the  regular  State  organization.  A  few  regiments 
have  been  organized  within  some  others  of  those  States  by 
individual  enterprise,  and  received  into  the  Government  service. 
Of  course  the  seceded  States,  so  called,  and  to  which  Texas 
had  been  joined  about  the  time  of  the  inauguration,  gave  no 
troops  to  the  cause  of  the  Union.  The  Border  States,  so  called, 
were  not  uniform  in  their  action,  some  of  them  being  almost  for 
the  Union,  while  in  others  as  in  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
Tennessee,  and  Arkansas,  the  Union  sentiment  was  nearly 
repressed  and  silenced.  The  course  taken  in  Virginia  was  the 
most  i-emarkable,  perhaps  the  most  important,  A  convention, 
elected  by  the  people  of  that  State  to  consider  this  very  ques- 
lion  of  disrupting  the  Federal  Union,  was  in  session  at  the 
capital  of  Virginia  when  Fort  Sumter  fell. 

"To  this  body  the  people  had  chosen  a  large  majority  of  pro- 
fessed Union  men.  Almost  immediately  after  the  fall  of  Sum- 
ter many  members  of  that  majority  went  over  to  the  original 
disunion  minority,  and  with  them  adopted  an  ordinance  for  with- 
drawing the  State  from  the  Union.  Whether  this  change  was 
wrought  by  their  great  approval  of  the  assault  upon  Sumter,  or 
their  great  resentment  at  the  Government's  resistance  to  that 
assault,  is  not  definitely  known.  Although  they  submitted  the 
ordinance  for  ratification  to  a  vote  of  the  people,  to  be  taken  on 
a  day  then  somewhat  more  than  a  month  distant,  the  Conven- 
tion and  the  Legislature,  which  was  also  in  session  at  tht*  same 
time  and  place,  with  leading  men  of  the  State,  not  members 
of  either,  immediately  commenced  acting  as  if  the  State  was 
already  out  of  the  Union.  They  pushed  military  prepamtionri 
vigorously  forward  all  over  the  State.  They  seized  the  United 
Slates  Armory  at  Harj^er's  Ferry,  and  the  Navy-Yard  at  Gos- 
port,  near  Norfolk.  They  received,  perhaps  invited  into  their 
State  large  bodies  of  troops,  with  their  warlike  appointments, 
from  the  so-called  seceded  States. 

"They  formally  entered  into  a  treaty  of  temporary  allianco 
with  the  so-called  Confederate  States,  and  sent  members  to  their 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.     109 

Congress  at  Montgomery,  and  finally  they  permitted  the  insur- 
rectionary Government  to  be  transferred  to  their  eapitol  at 
Richmond.  The  people  of  Virginia  have  thus  allowed  this 
giant  insurrection  to  make  its  nest  within  her  borders,  ar.d  this 
Government  has  no  choice  left  but  to  deal  with  it  where  it  finds 
it,  and  it  has  the  less  to  regret  as  the  loyal  citizens  have  in  due 
form  claimed  its  protection.  Those  loyal  citizens  this  Govern- 
ment is  bound  to  recognize  and  protect  as  being  in  Virginia. 
la  the  Border  States,  so  called,  in  fact  the  middle  States,  there 
are  those  who  favor  a  policy  which  they  call  armed  neutrality, 
that  is,  an  arming  of  those  States  to  prevent  the  Union  forces 
passing  one  way  or  the  disunion  forces  the  other  over  their  soil. 
This  would  be  disunion  completed.  Figuratively  speaking,  it 
would  be  the  building  of  an  impassable  wall  along  the  line  of 
separation,  and  yet  not  quite  an  impassable  one,  for  under  the 
guise  of  neutrality  it  would  tie  the  hands  of  the  Union  men,  and 
freely  pass  supplies  from  among  them  to  the  insurrectionists, 
which  it  could  not  do  as  an  open  enemy.  At  a  stroke  it  would 
take  all  the  trouble  off  the  hands  of  secession,  except  only 
what  proceeds  from  the  external  blockade.  It  would  do  for  the 
disunionists  that  which  of  all  things  they  most  desire,  feed  them 
well  and  give  them  disunion  without  a  struggle  of  their  own. 
It  recognizes  no  fidelity  to  the  Constitution,  no  obligation  to 
maintain  the  Union,  and  while  very  many  who  have  favored  it 
are  doubtless  loyal  citizens,  it  is  nevertheless  very  injurious  in 
effect. 

"  Recurring  to  the  action  of  the  Government  it  may  be  stated 
that  at  first  a  call  was  made  for  75,000  militia,  and  rapidly 
following  this  a  proclamation  was  issued  for  closing  the  ports 
of  the  insurrectionary  districts  by  proceedings  in  the  nature 
of  a  blockade.     So  far  all  was  believed  to  be  strictly  legal. 

"At  this  point  the  insurrectionists  announced  their  purpose 
to  enter  upon  the  practice  of  privateering. 

"  Other  calls  were  made  for  volunteers,  to  serve  three  years,  un- 
less sooner  discharged,  and  also  for  large  additions  to  the  regular 
army  and  navy.  These  measures,  whether  strictly  legal  or  not, 
were  ventured  upon  under  what  appeared  to  be  a  popular  demand 
and  a  public  necessity,  trusting  then,  as  now,  that  Congress 
would  ratify  them. 

*'  It  is  believed  that  nothing  has  been  done  beyond  the  con- 
Rtitutional  competency  of  Congress.  Soon  after  the  first  call 
for  militia  it  was  considered  a  duty  to  authorize  the  commanding 
general,  in  proper  cases,  according  to  his  discretion,  to  suspend 
the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus ;  or,  in  other  words, 
to  arrest  and  detain,  without  resort  to  the  ordinary  processes 
and  forms  of  law,  such  individuals  as  he  might  deem  dangerous 
to  the  public  safety.  This  authority  has  purposely  been  exer- 
cised hut  very  sparingly.  Nevertheless  the  legality  and  pro- 
priety of  what  has  been  done  under  it  are  questioned,  and  the 


LIO    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Attention  of  the  country  has  been  called  to  the  proposition  that 
one  who  is  sworn  to  take  care  that  llie  laws  be  faithfully  exe- 
cuted, should  not  himself  violate  them.  Of  course  some 
consideration  was  given  to  the  questions  of  power  and  propriety 
before  this  matter  was  acted  upon.  The  whole  of  the  laws 
which  were  required  to  be  faithfully  executed  were  being  resisted, 
and  failing  of  execution  in  nearly  one-third  of  the  States. 
Must  they  be  allowed  to  finally  fail  of  execution,  even  had  it 
been  perfectly  clear  that  by  use  of  the  means  necessary  to  their 
execution,  some  single  law,  made  in  such  extreme  tenderness  of 
the  citizen's  liberty  that  practically  it  relieves  more  of  the 
guilty  than  the  innocent,  should  to  a  very  great  extent  be 
violated  ?  To  state  the  question  more  directly,  are  all  the  laws 
but  one  to  go  unexecuted,  and  the  Government  itself  to  go  to 
pieces  lest  that  one  be  violated?  Even  in  such  a  case  would 
not  the  official  oath  be  broken  if  the  Government  should  be 
overthrown  when  it  was  believed  that  disregarding  the  single  law 
would  tend  to  preserve  it. 

"  But  it  was  not  believed  that  this  question  was  presented. 
It  was  not  believed  that  any  law  was  violated.  The  provision 
of  the  Constitution,  that  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus  shall  not  be  suspended,  unless  when,  in  cases  of  rebel- 
lion or  invasion,  the  public  safety  may  require  it,  is  equivalent  to 
a  provision  that  such  privilege  may  be  suspended  when,  in  cases 
of  rebellion  or  invasion,  the  public  safety  does  require  it.  It 
was  decided  that  we  have  a  case  of  rebellion,  and  that  the 
public  safety  does  require  the  qualified  suspension  of  the 
privilege  of  the  writ,  which  was  authorized  to  be  made.  Now, 
it  is  insisted  that  Congress,  and  not  the  Executive,  is  vested 
with  this  power.  But  the  Constitution  itself  is  silent  as 
to  which  or  who  is  to  exercise  the  power  ;  and  as  the  provision 
was  plainly  made  for  a  dangerous  emergency,  it  cannot  be 
believed  that  the  framers  of  the  instrument  intended  that  in 
every  case  the  danger  should  run  its  course  until  Congress  could 
be  called  together,  the  very  assembling  of  which  might  be  pre- 
vented,  as  was  intended  in  this  case  by  the  rebellion.  No  more 
extended  argument  is  now  afforded,  as  an  opinion  at  some 
length  will  probably  be  presented  by  the  Attorney-General. 
Whether  there  shall  be  any  legislation  on  the  subject,  and  if  so 
what,  is  submitted  entirely  to  the  better  judgment  of  Congress. 
The  forbearance  of  this  Government  had  been  so  extraordinary, 
and  so  long  continued,  as  to  lead  some  foreign  nations  to  shape 
their  action  as  if  they  supposed  the  early  destruction  of  our 
national  Union  was  probable.  While  this,  on  discovery,  gave 
the  Executive  some  concern,  he  is  now  happy  to  say  that  the 
sovereignty  and  rights  of  the  United  States  are  now  everywhere 
practically  respected  by  foreign  Powers,  and  a  general  sympathy 
with  the  country  is  manifested  throughout  the  world. 

"  The  reports  of  the  Secretaries  of  the  Treasury,  War,  aud 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    Ill 

the  Navy,  will  give  the  information  in  detail  deemed  necessary 
and  convenient  for  your  deliberation  and  action,  while  the  Ex- 
ecutive and  all  the  departments  will  stand  ready  to  supply 
omissions  or  to  communicate  new  facts  considered  important  for 
you  to  know. 

"  It  is  now  recommended  that  you  give  the  legal  means  for 
making  this  contest  a  short  and  decisive  one ;  that  you  place  at 
the  control  of  the  Government  for  the  work  at  least  400,000 
men  and  $400,000,000  ;  that  number  of  men  is  about  one-tenth 
of  those  of  proper  ages  within  the  regions  where  apparently  all 
are  willing  to  engage,  and  the  sum  is  less  than  a  twenty-third 
part  of  the  money  value  owned  by  the  men  who  seem  ready  to 
devote  the  whole.  A  debt  of  $600,000,000  now  is  a  less  sum 
per  head  than  was  the  debt  of  our  Revolution  when  we  came 
out  of  that  struggle,  and  the  money  value  in  the  country  bears 
even  a  greater  proportion  to  what  it  was  then  than  does  the 
population.  Surely  each  man  has  as  strong  a  motive  now  to 
preserve  our  liberties  as  each  had  then  to  establish  them. 

"A  right  result  at  this  time  will  be  worth  more  to  the  world 
than  ten  times  the  men  and  ten  times  the  money.  The  evidence 
reaching  us  from  the  country  leaves  no  doubt  that  the  material 
for  the  work  is  abundant,  and  that  it  needs  only  the  hand  of 
legislation  to  give  it  legal  sanction,  and  the  hand  of  the  Execu- 
tive to  give  it  practical  shape  and  efficiency.  One  of  the  greatest 
perplexities  of  the  Government  is  to  avoid  receiving  troops 
faster  than  it  can  provide  for  them  ;  in  a  word,  the  people  will 
save  their  Government  if  the  Government  will  do  its  part  only 
indifferently  well.  It  might  seem  at  first  thought  to  be  of  little 
difference  whether  the  present  movement  at  the  South  be  called 
secession  or  rebellion.  The  movers,  however,  well  understand 
the  difference.  At  the  beginning  they  knew  that  they  could 
never  raise  their  treason  to  any  respectable  magnitude  by  any 
name  which  implies  violation  of  law  ;  they  knew  their  people 
possessed  as  much  of  moral  sense,  as  much  of  devotion  to  law 
and  order,  and  as  much  pride  in  its  reverence  for  the  history  and 
Government  of  their  common  country,  as  any  other  civilized 
and  patriotic  people.  They  knew  they  could  make  no  advance- 
ment directly  in  the  teeth  of  these  strong  and  noble  sentiments. 
Accordingly  they  commenced  by  an  insidious  debauching  of  the 
Dublic  mind  ;  they  invented  an  ingenious  sophism,  which,  if  con- 
ceded, was  followed  by  perfectly  logical  steps  through  all  the 
incidents  of  the  complete  destruction  of  the  Union.  The 
sophism  itself  is  that  any  State  of  the  Union  may,  consistently 
with  the  nation's  Constitution,  and  therefore  lawfully  and  peace 
fully,  withdraw  from  the  Union  without  the  consent  of  the 
Union  or  of  any  other  State. 

"  The  little  disguise  that  the  supposed  right  is  to  be  exercised 
only  for  just  cause,  themselves  to  be  the  sole  judge  of  its  justice, 
is  too  thin  to  merit  any  notice  with  rebellion.     Thus  sugar- 
7 


112    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN". 

coated,  they  have  been  drugging  the  public  mind  of  their  section 
for  more  than  thirty  years,  and  until  at  length  they  have  brought 
many  good  men  to  a  willingness  to  take  up  arms  against  the 
Government  the  day  after  some  assemblage  of  men  have  enacted 
the  farcical  pretence  of  taking  their  State  out  of  the  Union,  who 
could  have  been  brought  to  no  such  thing  the  day  before.     This 
sophism  derives  much,  perhaps  the  whole  of  its  currency,  from 
the  assumption  that  there  is  some  omnipotent  and  sacred  su- 
premacy pertaining  to  a  State,  to  each   State  of  our  Federal 
Union.     Our  States  have  neither  more  nor  less  power  than  that 
reserved  to  them  in  the  Union  by  the  Constitution,  no  one  of 
them  ever  having  been  a  State  out  of  the  Union.     The  original 
ones  passed  into  the  Union  before   they  cast  off  their  British 
Colonial  dependence,  and  the  new  ones   came  into   the  Union 
directly  from  a  condition  of  dependence,  excepting  Texas,  and 
even  Texas,  in  its  temporary  independence,  was  never  designated 
as  a  State.     The  new  ones  only  took  the  designation  of  States 
on  coming  into  the  Union,  while  that  name  was  first  adopted 
for  the  old   ones  in  and  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
Therein  the  United  Colonies  were  declared  to  be  free  and  inde- 
pendent States.     But  even  then  the  object  plainly  was  not  to 
declare  their  independence  of  one  another  of  the  Union,  but  di- 
rectly the  contrary,  as  their  mutual  pledge  and  their  mutual  ac- 
tion before,  at  the  time,  and  afterward,  abundantly  show.     The 
express  plight  of  faith  by  each  and  all  of  the  original  thirteen 
States  in  the  Articles  of  Confederation  two  years  later  that  the 
Union  shall  be  perpetuated,  is  most  conclusive.     Having  never 
been  States  either  in  substance  or  in  name  outside  of  the  Union, 
■whence  this  magical  omnipotence  of  State  rights,  asserting  a 
claim  of  power  to  lawfully  destroy  the  Union  itself.     Much  is 
said  about  the  sovereignty  of  the  States,  but  the  word  even  is 
not  in  the  National  Constitution,  nor,  as  is  believed,  in  any  of 
the  State  constitutions.     What  is  sovereignty  in  the  political 
sense  of  the  word  ?     Would  it  be  far  wrong  to  define  it  a  politi- 
cal community  without  a  political  superior?     Tested  by  this,  no 
one  of  our  States,  except  Texas,  was  a  sovereignty,  and  even 
Texas  gave  up  the  character  on  coming  into  the  Union,  by 
which  act  she  acknowledged  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States ;  and  the  laws  and  treaties  of  the  United  States,  made  in 
pursuance  of  States,  have  their  status  in  the  Union,  made  in 
pursuance  of  the  Constitution,  to  be  for  her  the  supreme  law. 
The  States  have  their  status  in  the  Union,  and  they  have  no 
other  legal  status.     If  they  break  from  this,  they  can  only  do  so 
against  law  and  by  revolution.     The  Union,  and  not  themselves 
separately,  procured  their  independence  and  their  liberty  by  con- 
quest or  purchase.     The  Union  gave  each  of  them  whatever  of 
independence  and  liberty  it  has.     The  Union  is  older  than  any 
of  the  States,  and^  in  fact,  it  created  them,  as  States.     Origi- 
Ballj,  some  dependent  Colonies  made  the  Union,  and  in  turn  the 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.   113 

Union  threw  off  their  old  dependence  for  them  and  made  Ihem 
States,  such  as  they  are.  Not  one  of  them  ever  had  a  State 
constitution  independent  of  the  Union.  Of  course  it  is  not  for- 
gotten that  all  the  new  States  formed  their  constitutions  before 
they  entered  the  Union;  nevertheless,  dependent  upon,  and  pre- 
paratory to  coming  into  the  Union.  Unquestionably,  the  States 
have  the  powers  aad  rights  reserved  to  them  in  and  by  the  Na- 
tional Constitution. 

"  But  among  these  surely  are  not  included  all  conceivable 
powers,  however  mischievous  or  destructive,  but  at  most  such 
only  as  were  known  in  the  world  at  the  time  as  governme.ital 
powers,  and  certainly  a  power  to  destroy  the  Government  itself 
had  never  been  known  as  a  governmental,  as  a  merely  adminis- 
trative power.  This  relative  matter  of  national  power  and  State 
rights  as  a  principle,  is  no  other  than  the  principle  of  generality 
and  locality.  Whatever  concerns  the  whole  should  be  conferred 
to  the  whole  General  Government,  while  whatever  concerns  only 
the  State  should  be  left  exclusively  to  the  State.  This  is  all 
there  is  of  original  principle  about  it.  Whether  the  National 
Constitution,  in  defining  boundaries  between  the  two,  has  ap- 
plied the  principle  with  exact  accuracy,  is  not  to  be  questioned. 
We  are  all  bound  by  that  defining  without  question.  What  is 
now  combated,  is  the  position  that  secession  is  consistent  with 
the  Constitution,  is  lawful  and  peaceful.  It  is  not  contended 
that  there  is  any  express  law  for  it,  and  nothing  should  ever  be 
implied  as  law  which  leads  to  unjust  or  absurd  consequences. 
The  nation  purchased  with  money  the  countries  out  of  which 
several  of  those  States  were  formed.  Is  it  just  that  they  shall 
go  off  without  leave  and  without  refunding?  The  nation  paid 
very  large  sums  in  the  aggregate,  I  believe  nearly  a  hundred 
millions,  to  relieve  Florida  of  the  aboriginal  tribes.  Is  it  just 
that  she  shall  now  be  off  without  consent  or  without  any  return  ? 
The  nation  is  now  in  debt  for  money  applied  to  the  benefit  of 
these  so-called  seceding  States,  in  common  with  the  rest.  Is  it 
just,  either  that  creditors  shall  go  unpaid,  or  the  remaining 
States  pay  the  whole  ?  A  part  of  the  present  national  debt  was 
contracted  to  pay  the  old  debt  of  Texas.  Is  it  just  that  she 
shall  leave  and  pay  no  part  of  this  herself?  Again,  if  one  State 
may  secede  so  may  another,  and  when  all  shall  have  seceded 
none  is  left  to  pay  the  debts.  Is  this  quite  just  to  creditors  ? 
Did  we  notify  them  of  this  sage  view  of  ours  when  we  borrowed 
their  money  ?  If  we  now  recognize  this  doctrine  by  allowing  the 
seceders  to  go  in  peace,  it  is  difficult  to  see  what  we  can  do  if 
others  choose  to  go,  or  to  extort  terms  upon  which  they  will 
promise  to  remain.  The  seceders  insist  that  our  Constitution 
admits  of  secession.  They  have  assumed  to  make  a  National 
Constitution  of  their  own,  in  which,  of  necessity,  they  have  either 
discarded',  or  retained  the  right  of  secession,  as  they  insist  exists 
in  ours.     If  they  have  discarded  it,  they  thereby  admit  that  on 


114    LIFE  AND  SEEVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

principle  it  on^ht  not  lo  exist  in  ours ;  if  they  have  retained  it, 
by  their  own  construction  ol'  ours  that  shows  that  to  be  consist- 
ent, they  must  secede  from  one  another  whenever  they  shall  find 
it  the  easiest  way  of  settling  their  debts,  or  effecting:  any  other  sel- 
fish or  unjust  object.     The  principle  itself  is  one  of  disintegra- 
tion, and  upon  which  no  Government  can  possibly  endure.     If 
all  the  States  save  one  should  assert  the  power  to  drive  that  one 
out  of  the  Union,  it  is  presumed  the  whole  class  of  seceder  poli- 
ticians would  at  once  deny  the  power,  and  denounce  the  act  as 
the  greatest  outrage  upon  State  rights.     But  supi)0£e  that  pre- 
cisely the  same  act,  instead  of  being  called  driving  the  one  out, 
should  be  called  the  seceding  of  the  others  from  that  one,  it 
would  be  exactly  what  the  seceders  claim  to  do,  unless,  indeed, 
they  made  the  point  that  the  one,  because  it  is  a  minority,  may 
rightfully  do  what  the  others,  because  they  are  a  majority,  may 
Eot  rightfully  do.     These  politicians  are  subtle,  and  profound  in 
the  rights  of  minorities.     They  are   not  partial  to  that  power 
•which   made  the  Constitution,  and  speaks  from  the  preamble, 
calling  itself,   '  We,  the  people.'     It  may  be  well    questioned 
W'hether  there  is  to-day  a  majority  of  the  legally-qualified  voters 
of  any  State,  except,  perhaps,  South  Carolina,  in  favor  of  dis- 
union.    There  is  much  reason  to  believe  that  the  Union  men  are 
the  majority  in  many,  if  not  in  every  one  of  the  so-called  seceded 
States.     The  contrary  has  not  been  demonstrated  in  any  one  of 
them.     It  is  ventured  to  affirm  this,  even  of  Virginia  and  I'en- 
nessee,  for  the  result  of  an  election  held  in  military  camps,  where 
the  bayonets  are  all  on  one  side  of  the  question  voted  upon,  can 
scarcely  be  considered  as  demonstrating  popular  sentiment.     At 
such  an   election   all   that  large  class  who  are  at  once  for  the 
Union  and  against  coercion,  would  be  coerced  to  vote  against 
the  Union.     It  may  be  affirmed,  without  extravagance,  that  the 
free  institutions  we  enjoy  have  developed  the  powers  and  im- 
proved the  condition  of  our  whole  people  beyond  any  example 
in  the  world.     Of  this  we  now  have  a  striking  and  impressive 
illustration.     So  large  an  army  as  the  Government  has  now  on 
foot  was  never  before  known,  without  a  soldier  in  it  but  who  has 
taken  his  place  there  of  his  own  free  choice.     But  more  than 
this,  there  are  many  single  regiments  whose  members,  one  and 
another,  possess  full  practical  knowledge  of  all  the  arts,  sciences, 
professions,  and  whatever  else,   wdiether  useful  or  elegant,  is 
known  in  the  whole  world,  and  there  is  scarcely  one  from  which 
there  could  not  be  selected  a  President,  a  Cabinet,  a  Congress, 
and  perhaps  a  Court,  abundantly  competent  to  administer  the 
Government  itself.     Nor  do  I  say  this  is  not  true  also  in  the 
army  of  our  late  friends,  now  adversaries,  in  this  contest.     But 
it  is  so  much  better  the  reason  why  the  Government  which  has 
conferred  such  benefits  on  both  them  and  us  should  not  be  broken 
up.     Whoever  in  any  section  proposes  to  abandon  such  a  Gov- 
ernment, would  do  well  to  consider  in  deference  to  what  prin 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    115 

ciple  it  is  that  he  does  it.  What  better  he  is  likely  to  get  in 
its  stead,  whether  the  substitute  will  give,  or  be  intended  to 
give  so  much  of  good  to  the  people.  There  are  some  fore- 
shadowings  on  this  subject.  Our  adversaries  have  adopted  some 
declarations  of  independence  in  which,  unlike  the  good  old  one 
penned  by  Jefferson,  they  omit  the  words,  '  all  men  are  created 
equal.'  Why  ?  They  have  adopted  a  temporary  National  Con- 
stitution, in  the  preamble  of  which,  unlike  our  good  old  one 
signed  by  Washington,  they  omit  '  We  the  people,'  and  substi- 
tute '  We,  the  deputies  of  the  sovereign  and  independent  States.' 
Why?  Why  this  deliberate  pressing  out  of  view  the  rights  of 
men  and  the  authority  of  the  people?  This  is  essentially  a  peo- 
ple's contest.  On  the  side  of  the  Union  it  is  a  struggle  for 
maintaining  in  the  world  that  form  and  substance  of  Government 
whose  leading  object  is  to  elevate  the  condition  of  men,  to  lift 
artificial  weights  from  all  shoulders,  to  clear  the  paths  of  laud- 
able pursuit  for  all,  to  afford  all  an  unfettered  start  and  a  fair 
chance  in  the  race  of  life,  yielding  to  partial  and  teniporary  de- 
partures from  necessity.  This  is  the  leading  object  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, for  whose  existence  we  contend. 

"I  am  most  happy  to  believe  that  the  plain  people  understand 
and  appreciate  this.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  while  in  this,  the 
Government's  hour  of  trial,  large  numbers  of  those  in  the  army 
and  navy  who  have  been  favored  with  the  offices,  have  resigned 
and  proved  false  to  the  hand  which  pampered  them,  not  one 
common  soldier  or  common  sailor  is  known  to  have  deseited  his 
flag.  Great  honor  is  due  to  those  officers  who  remained  true 
despite  the  example  of  their  treacherous  associates,  but  the 
greatest  honor  and  the  most  important  fact  of  all,  is  the  unani- 
mous firmness  of  the  common  soldiers  and  common  sailors.  To 
the  last  man,  so  far  as  known,  they  have  successfully  resisted 
the  traitorous  eiforts  of  those  whose  commands  but  an  hour  be- 
fore they  obeyed  as  absolute  law.  This  is  the  patriotic  instinct 
of  plain  people.  'I'hey  understand  without  an  argument  that  the 
destroying  the  Government  which  was  made  by  Washington 
means  no  good  to  them.  Our  popular  Government  has  often 
been  called  an  experiment.  Two  poir;ts  in  it  our  people  have 
settled:  the  successful  establishing  and  the  successful  adminis*- 
tering  of  it.  One  still  remains.  Its  successHd  maintenance 
against  a  formidable  intermd  attempt  to  overthrow  it.  It  is  now 
for  them  to  d''monr;trale  to  the  world  that  ihose  who  can  fairly 
carry  an  election  can  also  suppress  a  rebellion  ;  that  ballots  are 
the  rightful  and  peaceful  successors  of  bullets,  and  that  when 
ballots  have  fai)iy  and  constitutionally  decided,  there  can  be  no 
successful  a])peai  back  to  bullets  ;  that  there  can  be  no  success- 
ful appeal  except  to  ballots  themselves  at  succeeding  electior.s. 
Such  will  be  a  great  lesson  of  peace,  teaching  men  that  what 
they  cannot  take  by  an  election,  neither  can  they  take  by  a  war, 
teaching  all  the  folly  of  being  the  beginners  of  a  war. 

"  Lest  there  be  some  uueusiuess  iu  the  minds  of  candid  men 


116    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

as  to  what  is  to  be  the  course  of  the  government  toward  tho 
Southern  States  after  the  rebeilion  shall  have  been  suppressed, 
the  Executive  deon^s  it  proper  to  say  it  will  be  his  purpose,  ihen, 
as  ever,  to  be  guided  by  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  and  that 
he  probably  will  have  no  diSerent  understanding  of  the  powers 
and  duties  of  the  Federal  Government  relatively  to  the  rights 
of  the  States  and  the  people  under  the  Constitution  than  that 
expressed  in  the  inaugural  address.  He  desires  to  preserve  the 
government,  that  it  may  be  administered  for  all,  as  it  was  ad- 
uiinisteied  by  the  men  who  made  it.  Loyal  citizens  everywhere 
have  the  right  to  claim  this  of  their  government,  and  the  gov- 
ernment has  no  right  to  withhold  or  neglect  it.  It  is  not  per- 
ceived that,  in  giving  it,  there  is  any  coercion,  any  conquest,  or 
any  subjugation  in  any  sense  of  these  terms. 

"  The  Constitution  provided,  and  all  the  States  have  accepted 
the  provision,  '  that  the  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every 
State  in  this  Union  a  Republican  form  of  government ;'  but  if  a 
State  may  lawfully  go  out  of  the  Union,  having  done  so,  it  may 
also  discard  the  Republican  form  of  government.  So  that  to 
prevent  its  going  o'iit  is  an  indispensable  means  to  the  end  of 
maintaining  the  guarantee  mentioned  ;  and,  when  an  end  is  law- 
ful and  obligatory,  the  indispensable  means  to  it  are  also  lawful 
and  obligatory. 

"  It  was  with  the  deepest  regret  that  the  Executive  found  the 
duty  of  employing  the  war  power  forced  upon  him.  In  defence 
of  the  government  he  could  but  perform  this  duty  or  surrender 
the  existence  of  the  government.  No  compromise  by  public 
servants  could,  in  this  case,  be  a  cure  ;  not  that  compromises  are 
not  often  proper,  but  that  no  popular  government  can  long  sur- 
vive a  marked  precedent,  that  those  who  carry  an  election  can 
only  save  the  government  from  immediate  destruction  by  giving 
up  the  main  point  upon  which  the  people  gave  the  election. 
The  people  themselves  and  not  their  servants  can  safely  reverse 
their  own  deliberate  decisions. 

"As  a  private  citizen,  the  Executive  could  not  have  consented 
that  these  institutions  shall  perish,  much  less  could  he  in  be- 
trayal of  so  vast  and  so  sacred  a  trust  as  these  free  people  had 
{sonfided  to  him.  He  felt  that  he  had  no  moral  right  to  shrink, 
nor  even  to  count  the  chances  of  his  own  life  in  what  might 
follow. 

"In  full  view  of  his  great  responsibility,  he  has  so  far  done  what 
he  has  deemed  his  duty.  You  will  now,  according  to  your  own 
judgment,  perform  yours.  He  sincerely  hopes  that  your  views 
and  your  actions  may  so  accord  with  his  as  to  assure  all  faith- 
ful citizens  who  have  been  disturbed  in  their  rights  of  a  cer- 
tain and  speedy  restoration  to  them  under  the  Constitution  and 
laws ;  and,  having  thus  chosen  our  cause  without  guile,  and 
with  pure  purpose,  let  us  renew  our  trust  in  God,  and  go  for- 
ward without  fear  and  with  manly  hearts. 

"  Abraham  Lincoln." 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    117 

A    DAY    OF    FASTING    AND    PRAYER    AP- 
POINTED. 

On  the  twelfth  of  August,  the  following  proclamation, 
appointing  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer,  was  issued  : 

^'Whereas,  A  joint  committee  of  both  Houses  of  Congress 
has  waited  on  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  requested 
him  to  '  recommend  a  day  of  public  humiliation,  prayer,  and  fast- 
ing, to  be  observed  by  the  people  of  the  United  States  with  reli- 
gious solemnities,  and  the  offering  of  fervent  supplications  to 
Almighty  God  for  the  safety  and  welfare  of  these  States,  His 
blessings  on  their  arms,  and  a  speedy  restoration  of  peace.' 

'^And  whereas,  It  is  fit  and  becoming  in  all  people,  at  all 
times,  to  acknowledge  and  revere  the  Supreme  Government  of 
God  ;  to  bow  in  humble  submission  to  his  chastisements  ;  to 
confess  and  deplore  their  sins  and  transgressions,  in  the  full  con- 
viction that  the  fear  of  the  Lord  is  the  beginning  of  wisdom,  and 
to  pray,  with  all  fervency  and  contrition,  for  the  pardon  of  their 
past  offences,  and  for  a  blessing  upon  their  present  and  prospec- 
tive action. 

''And  whereas,  When  our  own  beloved  country,  once,  by  the 
blessing  of  God,  united,  prosperous,  and  happy,  is  now  afflicted 
with  faction  and  civil  war,  it  is  peculiarly  fit  for  us  to  recognize 
the  hand  of  God  in  this  terrible  visitation,  and,  in  sorrowful  re- 
membrance of  our  own  faults  and  crimes  as  a  nation,  and  as  in- 
dividuals, to  humble  ourselves  before  Him,  and  to  pray  for  His 
mercy — to  pray  that  we  may  be  spared  further  punishment, 
though  most  justly  deserved ;  that  our  arras  may  be  blessed  and 
made  effectual  for  the  re-establishment  of  law,  order,  and  peace 
throughout  the  wide  extent  of  our  country ;  and  that  the  inesti- 
mable boon  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  earned  under  Hia 
guidance  and  blessing  by  the  labors  and  sufferings  of  our  fathers, 
may  be  restored  in  all  its  original  excellence; 

"Therefore  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United 
States,  do  appoint  the  last  Thursday  in  September  next  as  a 
day  of  humiliation,  prayer  and  fasting  for  all  the  people  of  the 
nation.  And  I  do  earnestly  recommend  to  all  the  people,  and 
especially  to  all  ministers  and  teachers  of  religion,  of  all  denomi- 
nations, and  to  all  heads  of  families,  to  observe  and  keep  that 
day,  according  to  their  several  creeds  and  modes  of  worship,  in 
all  humility,  and  with  all  religious  solemnity,  to  the  end  that  the 
united  prayer  of  the  nation  may  ascend  to  the  Throne  of  Grace, 
and  bring  down  plentiful  blessings  upon  our  country. 

"In   testimony  whereof,   I   have  tiereunto  set  my  hand,  and 
caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed,  this 
[l,  s.]    12th  day  of  August,  a.  d.  1861,  and  of  the   Independ- 
ence of  the  United  States  of  America  the  eighty-sixth. 

*  By  the  President:  "Abraham  Lincoln. 

"  William  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State.'* 


118    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOL^S". 


COMMERCIAL    INTERCOURSE  WITH   THE  RE- 
BELLIOUS STATES  PROHIBITED. 

Four  days  later  he  also  promulgated  the  following : 

''Whereas,  On  the  15th  day  of  April,  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  in  view  of  an  insurrection  ac^ainst  the  laws,  Con- 
stitution, and  Government  of  the  United  States,  which  had 
broken  out  within  the  States  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Ala- 
bama, Florida,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Texas,  and  in  pursu- 
ance of  the  provisions  of  the  act  entitled  an  act  to  provide  for 
calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws  of  the  Union,  sup- 
press insurrections,  and  repel  invasions,  and  to  repeal  the  act 
now  in  force  for  that  purpose,  approved  February  28th,  1795, 
did  call  forth  the  militia  to  suppress  said  insurrection  and  cause 
the  laws  of  the  Union  to  be  duly  executed — and  the  insurgents 
have  failed  to  disperse  by  the  time  directed  by  the  President ; 
and  whereas,  such  insurrection  has  since  broken  out  and  yet 
exists  within  the  States  of  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee, 
and  Arkansas;  and  whereas,  the  insurgents  in  all  the  said 
vStates  claim  to  act  under  authority  thereof,  and  such  claim  is 
not  disclaimed  or  repudiated  by  the  persons  exercising  the  func- 
tions of  government  in  such  State  or  States,  or  in  the  part  or 
parts  thereof,  in  which  such  combinations  exist,  nor  has  such 
insurrection  been  suppressed  by  said  States. 

"  Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Ijincoln,  President  of  the 
United  States,  in  ])uvsuance  of  the  act  of  Congress  approved 
July  13th,  1861,  do  hereby  declare  that  the  inhabitants  of  the 
said  States  of  Georgia,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Alabama, 
Louisiana,  Texas,  Arkansas,  Mississippi,  and  Florida,  except  the 
inhabitants  of  that  part  of  the  State  of  Virginia  lying  west  of 
the  Alleghany  Mountains,  and  of  such  other  parts  of  that  Stats 
and  the  other  States  hereinbefore  named  as  n)ay  maintain  a  loyal 
adhesion  to  tlie  Union  and  tlie  Constitution,  or  mav  be,  from 
time  to  time  occupied  and  controlled  by  the  forces  of  tho 
United  States  engaged  in  the  dispersion  of  said  insurgents,  as 
are  in  a  state  of  insurrection  against  the  United  States,  ani  that 
all  commercial  intercourse  between  tlse  same  and  the  inhabi- 
j  tants  thereof,  with  the  exceptic^ii  aforesaid,  and  the  citizens  of 
other  States  and  other  ])art9  of  the  United  States,  is  unlawful 
and  will  remain  unlawful  until  such  insurrection  shall  cease  or 
has  been  suppressed  ;  that  all  goods  and  chattels,  wares  and 
merchandize,  coming  from  any  of  the  said  States,  with  the  ex- 
ceptions aforesaid,  into  other  jjarts  of  the  United  States,  without 
the  special  license  and  permission  of  the  President,  through  tho 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  or  proceeding  to  any  of  the  said 
States,  with  the  excej)tion  aforesaid,  by  land  or  water,  together 
with  the  vessel  or  vehicle  conveying  the  same  or  conveying  per- 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LIJiCOLN.    119 

Bons  to  and  from  the  said  States,  with  the  said  exceptions,  will 
be  forfeited  to  the  United  States;  and  that,  I'rom  and  after  fif- 
teen days  from  the  issuing  of  this  proclamation,  all  ships  and 
vessels  belonging-,  in  whole  or  in  part,  to  any  citizen  or  inhabi- 
tant of  any  of  the  said  States,  with  the  said  exceptions,  found  at 
sea  in  any  part  of  the  United  States,  will  be  forfeited  to  the 
United  States  ;  and  I  hereby  enjoin  upon  all  district  attorneys, 
marslials,  and  officers  of  the  revenue  of  the  military  and  naval 
forces  of  the  United  States  to  be  vigilant  in  the  execution  of  the 
said  act,  and  in  the  enforcement  of  the  penalties  and  forfeitures 
imposed  or  declared  by  it,  leaving  any  party  who  may  think  him- 
self aggrieved  thereby  to  his  application  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  for  the  remission  of  any  penalty  or  forfeiture,  which 
the  said  Secretary  is  authorized  by  law  to  grant  if,  in  his  judg- 
ment, the  special  circumstances  of  any  case  shall  require  such 
a  remission. 

"  In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"Done  in  the  ciiy  of  Washington,  this,  the  16th  day  of  Au- 
gust, in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
sixty-one,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of 
America  the  eighty-sixth. 

"  By  the  President :  "Abraham  Lincoln. 

"  William  H.  Seward." 


HE  MODIFIES  AN   OBDER  OF  GENERAL  FRE- 
MONT. 

In  the  latter  part  of  August,  General  Fremont  declared 
martial  law  throughout  the  State  of  Missouri,  and  at  the 
same  time  ordered  that  the  property  of  all  persons  within 
the  limits  of  his  Department  who  had  been  disloyal,  should 
be  confiscated,  and  their  slaves  declared  free  men,  but  the 
President  promptly  issued  an  order  modifying  that  clause 
of  the  proclamation  in  relation  to  the  confiscation  of  prop- 
erty and  the  liberation  of  slaves,  so  as  to  conform  with, 
and  not  transcend  the  provisions  on  the  same  subject  con- 
tained in  the  Act  of  Congress  approved  August  Cth,  186L 

HIS   SECOND  MESSAGE  TO  CONGRESS. 

On  the  3d  of  December,  18G1,  Congress  having  convened 
on  the  preceding  day,  the  President  sent  in  his  Message,  o 
document  which  was  eminently  conservative  and  whicl 


120    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

was  received  with  great  satisfaction  by  the  loyal  men  of 
the  country.  No  'general  scheme  of  emancipation  was 
urged,  and  in  alluding  to  the  policy  to  be  adopted  to  en- 
sure the  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  he  stated  that  he 
had  been  anxious  and  careful  that  the  inevitable  conflict 
necessary  for  that  purpose  should  not  degenerate  into  a 
violent  and  remorseless  revolutionary  struggle.  "  I  have, 
therefore,"  he  continued,  "  in  every  case,  thought  it  proper 
to  keep  the  integrity  of  the  Union  prominent  as  the  pri- 
mary object  of  the  contest  on  our  part,  leaving  all  ques- 
tions which  are  not  of  vital  military  importance  to  the 
more  deliberate  action  of  the  Legislature," 

There  can  never  be  any  difficulty  in  ascertaining  Mr. 
Lincoln's  views  upon  the  exciting  and  absorbing  topics  of 
the  day.  His  messages,  proclamations,  and  correspond- 
ence all  evince  the  same  spirit  of  independence  and  deter- 
mination, while  his  language  is  so  explicit  that  there  can 
be  no  doubt  of  his  meaning.  In  his  letter  to  Governor 
Magoffin,  of  Kentucky,  declining  to  remove  the  Union 
troops  from  that  State,  and  rebuking  that  official  for  his 
indifference  to  the  cause  of  his  country — in  the  one  to  Gen- 
eral Fremont,  in  reference  to  the  modification  of  his  pro- 
clamation, and  in  fact  in  all  his  correspondence  on  matters 
connected  with  political  movements,  his  views  have  been 
of  such  a  force  and  exalted  character  that  they  could  not 
fail  to  receive  the  hearty  approbation  of  his  fellow-country- 
men. 

On  the  nineteenth  of  February,  1862,  he  issued  a  pro- 
clamation requesting  the  people  of  the  United  States  to 
assemble  on  the  twenty-second  of  the  same  month  and 
celebrate  the  day  by  reading  the  Farewell  Address  of  the 
"  Father  of  his  Country." 

THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE  RECOMMENDING 
GRADUAL   EMANCIPATION. 

On  the  sixth  of  March,  1862.  the  President  sent  into 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    121 

Congress  the  following  Message,  recommending  the  adop- 
tion of  measures  looking  to  "gradual,  and  not  sudden" 
emancipation : 

*^FeIlmu- Citizens  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  : 

"  I  recommend  the  adoption  of  a  joint  resolution  by  your 
honorable  bodies  which  shall  be  substantially  as  follows  : 

"  'Resolved,  That  the  United  States  ought  to  cooperate  with 
any  State  which  may  adopt  a  gradual  abolishment  of  slavery, 
giving  to  such  State  pecuniary  aid  to  be  used  by  such  Stato 
in  its  discretion,  to  compensate  for  the  inconveniences,  public 
and  private,  produced  by  such  change  of  system.' 

"  If  the  proposition  contained  in  the  resolution  does  not  meet 
the  approval  of  Congress  and  the  country,  there  is  the  end  ;  but 
if  it  does  command  such  approval,  I  deem  it  of  importance 
that  the  States  and  people  immediately  interested  should  be  at 
once  distinctly  notified  of  the  fact,  so  that  they  may  begin  to 
consider  whether  to  accept  or  reject  it.  The  Federal  Govern- 
ment would  find  its  highest  interest  in  such  a  measure  as  one  of 
the  most  efficient  means  of  self-preservation.  The  leaders  of 
the  existing  insurrection  entertain  the  hope  that  the  Govern- 
ment will  ultimately  be  forced  to  acknowledge  the  independence 
of  some  part  of  the  disaffected  region,  and  that  all  the  slave 
States  north  of  such  parts  will  then  say:  'The  Union  for  which 
we  have  struggled  being  already  gone, we  now  choose  to  go  with 
thesouthein  section.'  To  deprive  them  of  this  hope,  substan- 
tially ends  the  rebellion,  and  the  initiation  of  emancipation  com- 
pletely deprives  them  of  it  as  to  all  the  States  initiating  it. 

"  'J'he  point  is  not  that  all  the  States  tolerating  slavery  would 
very  soon,  if  at  all,  initiate  emancipation,  but  that  while  the 
offer  is  equally  made  to  all,  the  more  northern  shall,  by  such 
initiation,  make  it  certain  to  the  more  southern  that  in  no 
event  will  the  former  ever  join  the  latter  in  their  proposed  con- 
federacy. I  say  'initiation,'  because,  in  my  judgment,  gradual 
and  not  sudden  emancipation  is  better  for  all.  In  the  mere 
financial  or  pecuniary  view,  any  member  of  Congress,  with  the 
census  tables  and  the  treasury  report  before  him,  can  readily 
see  for  himself  how  very  soon  the  current  expenditures  of  tiiis 
war  would  purchase,  at  a  fair  valuation,  all  the  slaves  in  any 
named  State. 

'•Such  a  proposition  on  the  part  of  the  general  Government 
sets  up  no  claim  of  a  right  by  Federal  authority  to  interfere 
with  slavery  within  State  limits,  referring  as  it  does  the  absolute 
control  of  the  subject  in  each  case  to  the  State  and  its  people 
immediately  interested.  It  is  proposed  as  a  matter  of  perfectly 
tree  choice  with  them. 

"  In  he  annual  message  last  December  I  thought  fit  to  say  ; 


122    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

'The  Union  must  be  preserved,  and  hence  all  indispensable 
means  must  be  employed.'  I  said  this  not  hastily,  but  deliber- 
ately. War  has  been,  and  continues  to  be  an  indispensable 
means  to  this  end.  A, practical  re-acknowledgment  of  the 
national  authority  would  render  the  war  unnecessary,  and  it 
would  at  once  cease.  If,  however,  resistance  continues,  the  war 
must  also  continue,  and  it  is  impossible  to  foresee  all  the  inci- 
dents which  may  attend,  and  all  the  ruin  which  may  follow  it. 
Such  as  may  seem  indispensable,  or  may  obviously  promise" 
groat  efficiency  toward  ending  the  struggle,  must  and  will  come. 
The  proposition  now  made  is  an  offer  only,  and  I  hope  it  may 
be  esteemed  no  offence  to  ask  whether  the  pecuniary  considera- 
tion tendered  would  not  be  of  more  value  to  the  States  and 
private  persons  concerned  than  are  the  institution  and  properly 
in  it,  in  the  present  aspect  of  affairs.  While  it  is  true  that  tho 
adoption  of  the  proposed  resolution  would  be  merely  initiatory, 
and  not  within  itself  a  practical  measure,  it  is  reconimended  in 
the  hope  that  it  would  soon  lead  to  important  results.  In  full 
view  of  my  great  responsibility  to  my  God  and  to  my  country, 
I  earnestly  beg  the  attention  of  Congress  and  the  people  to  the 
subject.  "Abraham  Lincoln." 

This  important  recommendation  was  received  ^Yith  tho 
most  unbounded  satisfaction  in  all  sections  of  the  great 
!N"orth  and  West,  and  the  leading  loyal  journals  vied  with 
each  other  in  the  laudatory  notices  bestowed  upon  its  illus- 
trious author.  The  English  press  favorable  to  the  preser- 
vation of  the  Union,  were  equally  complimentary,  and 
pronounced  it  a  fair,  moderate,  and  magnaninious  policy, 
greatly  in  contrast  with  that  adopted  by  the  rebel  authori- 
ties. 

ASSUMES  ACTIVE    GOMMAKT)    OF    THE    AHMY 

AKD    NAVY. 

On  the  eleventh  of  Marcii,  1862,  the  President  gave  an 
additional  evidence  of  his  independence  and  fearlessness 
by  promulgating,  for  the  information  of  the  service  and 
the  country,  three  important  n'lilitary  orders,  assuming  the  ^^Hp 
active  duties  of  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and 
Navy  of  the  United  States  ;  ordering  a  general  and  com- 
bined movement  of  the  land  and  naval  forces  ;  requiring 
tlie  Army  of  the  Potomac  to  be  organized  into  Corps  ;  con- 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    123 

fining  General  McClellan  to  the  command  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  the  Potomac ;  and  organizing  the  Department  of 
the  Mississippi  and  the  Mountain  Department.  . 

THANKSGIVING  FOR  SIGNAL  VICTORIES. 

The  triumpliant  success  of  our  arms  in  the  South  and 
West  during  the  early  spring  months  of  that  year  of  con- 
flict and  carnage,  prompted  Mr.  Lincoln  to  call  upon  the 
patriots  of  the  nation  to  offer  up  their  thanks  to  the  Al- 
mighty for  his  manifold  kindnesses,  and  for  the  inestimable 
blessings  he  had  showered  upon  them  in  their  hour  of 
need.  The  recommendation  was  scrupulously  observed, 
and  from  almost  every  place  of  public  worship  arose  upon 
the  following  Sabbath  songs  of  thanksgiving,  mingled  with 
invocations  for  a  continuance  of  the  Divine  guidance. 

0 

SLAVERY    ABOLISHED    IN  THE    DISTRICT    OF 

COLUMBIA. 

On  the  sixteenth  of  April,  1862,  Mr,  Lincoln  consum- 
mated an  act  which  had  for  many  years  been  one  of  his 
most  favorite  projects,  by  sending  into  Congress  the  fol- 
lowing Message  : 

^' Fellow- Citizens  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Eepresentatives : 

"  I'he  act  entitled  'An  act  for  the  release  of  certain  persons 
held  to  service  or  labor  in  the  District  of  Columbia,'  has  this 
day  been  approved  and  signed. 

"  I  have  never  doubted  the  constitutional  authority  of  Con- 
gress to  abolish  slavery  in  this  District,  and  I  have  ever  desired 
to  see  the  national  capital  freed  from  the  institution  in  some 
satisfactory  way.  Hence  there  has  never  been  in  my  mind  any 
question  upon  the  subject  except  the  one  of  expediency,  arising 
in  view  of  all  the  circumstances.  If  there  be  matters  within 
and  about  this  act,  which  might  have  taken  a  course  or  shape 
more  satisfactory  to  my  judgment,  I  do  not  attempt  to  specify 
them.  I  am  gratified  that  the  two  principles  of  compensation 
and  colonization  are  both  recognized  and  practically  applied  in 
the  act. 

"  In  the  matter  of  compensation,  it  is  provided  that  claims 
may  be  presented  within  ninety  days  from  the  passage  of  the 
act,  but  not  thereafter,  and  there  is  no  saving  for  minors, /emwes 


124    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

coverts,  insane,  or  absent  persons.  I  presume  this  is  an  omis- 
Bion  by  mere  oversight,  and  I  recommeud  that  it  be  supplied  by 
an  amendatory  or  supplemental  act.       "Abraham  Lincoln." 

EE-OPENING  OP  SOUTHERN   PORTS. 

During  the  month  of  May,  1862,  two  important  proclama- 
tions were  published — one  on  the  twelfth,  declaring  the  ports 
of  Beaufort,  Port  Royal,  and  New  Orleans  open  for  trade  ; 
and  the  second,  a  week  later,  repudiating  an  emancipation 
order  of  Major-General  Hunter.  This  last  document  is 
too  important  a  part  of  the  history  of  the  rebellion  to  be 
omitted  here,  and  we  therefore  give  it  in  full.  It  is  as 
follows : 

"  miereas,  There  appears  in  the  public  prints  what  purports 
to  be  a  proclamation  of  Major-General  Hunter,  in  the  words  and 
figures  following,  to  wit: 

"  *  Head-quarters,  Department  of  the  South, 
"  '  Hilton  Head,  S.  C,  3Iai/  9th,  1862. 
"'General  Orders  No.  11. 

*' '  The  three  States  of  Georgia,  Florida,  and  South  Carolina, 
comprising  the  Military  Department  of  the  South,  having  delib- 
erately declared  themselves  no  longer  under  the  protection  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  and  having  taken  up  arms  against 
the  said  United  States,  it  becomes  a  military  necessity  to  declare 
them  under  martial  law.  This  was  accordingly  done  on  the 
twenty-fifth  day  of  April,  1862.  Slavery  and  martial  law  in  a 
free  country  are  altogether  incompatible.  The- persons  in  these 
three  States,  Georgia,  Florida,  and  South  Carolina,  heretofore 
held  as  slaves,  are  therefere  declared  forever  free. 

'"David  Hunter,  Major-General  Commanding. 

"'OfBcial: 

"'Ed.  W.  Smith,  Acting  Assistant  Adjiitant-GeneraL* 

"And  ivliereas,  The  same  is  producing  some  excitement  and 
misunderstanding, 

''Tlierefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United 
States,  proclaim  and  declare  that  the  government  of  the  United 
States  had  no  knowledge  or  belief  of  an  intention,  on  the  part  of 
General  Hunter,  to  issue  such  a  proclamation,  nor  has  it  yet  any 
authentic  information  that  the  document  is  genuine  ;  and  further, 
that  neither  General  Hunter  nor  any  other  commander  or  person 
has  been  authorized  by  the  government  of  the  United  States  to 
make  proclamation  declaring  the  slaves  of  any  State  free,  and 
that  the  supposed  proclamation  now  in  question,  whether 
genuine  or  false,  is  altogether  void,  so  far  as  respects  such 
declaraUon. 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    125 

"  I  further  make  known,  that  whether  it  be  competent  for  me 
as  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy  to  declare  the 
slaves  of  any  State  or  States  free,  and  whether  at  any  time,  or 
iu  any  case,  it  shall  have  become  a  necessity  indispensable  to  the 
maintenance  of  the  government  to  exercise  such  supposed  power, 
are  questions  which,  under  my  responsibility,  I  reserve  to  myself, 
and  which  I  cannot  feel  justified  in  leaving  to  the  decision  of 
commanders  in  the  field.  These  are  totally  different  questions 
from  those  of  police  regulations  in  armies  and  camps. 

*'  On  the  sixth  day  of  March  last,  by  a  special  message,  I 
recommended  to  Congress  the  adoption  of  a  joint  resolution,  to 
be  substantially  as  follows  : 

"  'Resolved,  That  the  United  States  ought  to  co-operate  with 
any  State  which  may  adopt  a  gradual  abolishment  of  slavery, 
giving  to  such  State  in  its  discretion  to  compensate  for  the  in- 
conveniences, public  and  private,  produced  by  such  change  of 
system.' 

"The  resolution,  in  the  language  above  quoted,  was  adopted 
by  large  majorities  in  both  branches  of  Congress,  and  now  stands 
an  authentic,  definite  and  solemn  proposal  of  the  nation  to  the 
States  and  people  most  immediately  interested  in  the  subject 
matter.  To  the  people  of  these  States  I  now  earnestly  appeal. 
I  do  not  argue ;  I  beseecli  you  to  make  the  arguments  for  your- 
selves. You  cannot,  if  you  would,  be  blind  to  the  signs  of  the 
times.  I  beg  of  you  a  calm  and  enlarged  consideration  of  them, 
ranging,  if  it  may  be,  far  above  personal  and  partisan  politics. 
This  proposal  makes  common  cause  for  a  common  object,  cast- 
ing no  reproaches  upon  any.  It  acts  not  the  Pharisee.  The 
change  it  contemplates  would  come  gently  as  the  dews  of 
Heaven,  not  rending  or  wrecking  any  thing.  Will  you  not  em- 
brace it?  So  much  good  has  not  been  done  by  one  effort  in  all 
past  time,  as  in  the  Providence  of  God  it  is  now  your  high 
privilege  to  do.  May  the  vast  future  not  have  to  lament  that 
you  have  neglected  it. 

"  In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  nineteenth  day  of 
May,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
sixty-two,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  the 
eighty-sixth. 

"  By  the  President :        '  "Abraham  Lincoln. 

"  Wm.  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State." 

THE  PRESIDENT'S  CONFERENCE  WITH  THE 
LOYAL  GOVERNORS— HIS  INTERVIEW  WITH 
THE  BORDER  CONGRESSMEN. 

On  the  first  of  July,  1862,  the  President,  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  Act  for  the  collection  of  direct  taxes  in 


126    LIFE  AND  SEKVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

the  insurrectionary  districts,  issued  a  proclamation  de- 
claring in  what  States  and  in  what  counties  of  Virginia 
insurrection  existed  ;  and  on  the  same  day  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  Governors  of  the  loyal  States,  in  reply  to  one 
received  from  them,  asking  that  for  the  purpose  of  follow- 
ing up  recent  signal  successes  by  measures  which  would 
ensure  the  speedy  restoration  of  the  Union,  a  sufficient 
number  of  men  from  each  State  to  lill  up  existing  regi- 
ments and  to  form  new  organizations,  might  be  called  for. 
Mr.  Lincoln  fully  concurred  in  the  views  of  the  Executives 
and  expressed  his  intention  to  call  for  an  additional  force 
of  three  hundred  thousand  men. 

On  the  twelfth  of  July,  an  interesting  interview  took 
place  at  the  White  House,  the  Senators  and  Representa- 
tives of  the  Border  States  having  assembled  there  by  in- 
vitation of  the  President,  who  wished  to  converse  with 
them  upon  the  important  topic  of  gradual  emancipation. 
During  an  extended  conversation,  he  expressed  his  views 
clearly  and  explicitly,  requesting  their  calm  consideration 
of  the  subject,  and  charging  them  to  commend  his  sug- 
gestions to  their  constituents,  and  to  prevent  all  doubt  of 
his  meaning,  read  to  them  the  following  appeal : 

'^Gentlemen:  After  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  now  near,  I 
Bliall  have  no  opportunity  of  seeing  you  for  several  months. 
Believing  that  you  of  the  border  States  hold  more  power  for 
good  than  any  other  equal  number  of  members,  I  feel  it  a  duty, 
which  I  cannot  justifiably  waive,  to  make  this  appeal  to  you. 

"  I  intend  no  reproach  or  complaint  when  I  assure  you  that, 
in  my  opinion,  if  you  all  had  voted  for  the  resolution  in  the  gradual 
emancipation  message  of  last  March,  the  war  would  now  be  sub- 
stantially ended.  And  the  plan  therein  proposed  is  yet  one  of 
the  most  potent  and  swift  means  of  ending  it.  Let  the  States 
which  are  in  rebellion  see  definitely  and  certainly  that,  in  no 
event,  will  the  States  you  represent  ever  join  their  proposed 
confederacy,  and  they  cannot  much  longer  maintain  the  contest. 
But  you  cannot  divest  them  of  their  hope  to  ultimately  have  you 
with  them  so  long  as  you  show  a  determination  to  perpetuate  the 
institutions  within  your  own  States.  Beat  them  at  elections,  as 
you  have  overwhelmingly  done,  and,  nothing  daunted,  they  still 
claim  you  as  their  own.    You  and  I  know  what  the  lever  of  their 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABnAHAM  LINCOLN.     127 

power  is.     Break  that  lever   before  their  faces,  and  they  can 
shake  you  no  more  forever. 

"  Most  of  you  have  treated  me  with  kindness  and  consideration, 
and  I  trust  you  will  not  now  think  I  improperly  touch  what  is 
exclusively  your  own,  when,  for  the  sake  of  the  whole  country, 
I  ask,  '  Can  you,  for  your  States,  do  better  than  to  take  the 
course  I  urge?'  Discavdiug  pimdilio  and  maxims  adapted  to 
more  manageable  times,  and  looking  only  to  the  unprecedentedly 
Btern  facts  of  our  case,  can  you  do  better  in  any  possible  event  ? 
You  prefer  that  the  constitutional  relation  of  the  States  to  the 
nation  shall  be  practically  restored  without  disturbance  of  the 
institution  ;  and,  if  this  were  done,  my  whole  duty,  in  this  re- 
spect, under  the  Constitution  and  my  oath  of  oflice,  would  bo 
performed.  But  it  is  not  done,  and  we  are  trying  to  accomplish 
it  by  war.  The  incidents  of  the  war  cannot  be  avoided.  If  the 
war  continues  long,  as  it  must  if  the  object  be  not  sooner  at- 
tained, the  institution  in  your  States  will  be  extinguished  iiy 
mere  friction  and  abrasion — by  the  mere  incidents  of  the  wai-. 
It  will  be  gone,  and  you  will  have  nothing  valuable  in  lieu  of  it. 
Much  of  its  value  is  gone  already.  How  much  better  for  you 
and  for  your  pco])le  to  take  the  step  which  at  once  shortens  the 
war,  and  secures  substantial  compensation  for  that  which  is  sure 
to  be  wholly  lost  in  any  other  event !  How  much  better  to  thus 
save  the  money  which  else  we  sink  forever  in  the  war !  How 
much  better  to  do  it  while  we  can,  lest  the  war,  ere  long,  ren- 
'>v  der  us  pecuniarily  unable  to  do  it  I  How  much  better  for  you,  as 
seller,  and  the  nation, as  buyer,  to  sell  out  and  buy  out  that  without 
v/hich  the  war  could  never  have  been,  than  to  sink  both  the  thing: 
to  be  sold  and  the  price  of  it  in  cutting  one  another's  throats. 

*'  I  do  not  speak  of  emancipation  at  once,  bat  of  a  deciazon  at 
once  to  emancipate  gradually.  Room  in  South  America  for 
colonization  can  be  obtained  cheaply  and  in  abundance  ;  and, 
when  numbers  shall  be  large  enough  to  be  company  and  en- 
couragement for  one  another,  the  freed  people  will  not  be  so 
reluctant  to  go. 

"I  am  pressed  with  a  difficulty  not  yet  mentioned — one  which 
threatens  division  among  those  who,  united,  are  none  too  strong. 
An  instance  of  it  is  known  to  you.  General  Hunter  is  an  honest 
man.  He  was,  and  I  hope  still  is,  my  friend.  I  valued  him 
none  the  less  for  his  agreeing  with  me  in  the  general  wish  that 
all  men  everywhere  could  be  freed.  He  proclaimed  all  men  free 
within  certain  States,  and  I  repudiated  the  proclamation.  He 
expected  more  good  and  less  harm  from  the  measure  than  1  could 
believe  would  follow.  Yet,  in  repudiating  it,  I  gave  dissatisfac- 
tion, if  not  offence,  to  many  whose  support  the  country  cannot 
afford  to  lose.  And  this  is  not  the  end  of  it.  The  pressure  in 
this  direction  is  still  upon  me,  and  is  increasing.  By  conceding 
what  I  now  ask,  you  can  relieve  me,  and,  much  more,  can  relievo 
llie  country  in  this  important  point. 
8 


128    LIFE  AND  SETIVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN" 

"  Upon  these  considerations  I  have  again  begg-ed  your  atter 
tion  to  the  message  of  March  last.  Before  leaving  the  capital, 
consider  and  discuss  it  among  yourselves.  You  are  patriots  and 
statesmen,  and,  as  such,  I  pray  you  consider  this  proposition, 
and,  at  the  least,  commend  it  to  the  consideration  of  your  States 
and  people.  As  you  would  perpetuate  popular  government  for 
the  best  people  in  the  world,  I  beseech  you  that  you  do  in  nowise 
omit  this.  Our  common  country  is  in  great  peril,  demanding 
the  loftiest  views  and  boldest  action  to  bring  a  speedy  relief. 
Once  relieved,  its  form  of  government  is  saved  to  the  world,  its 
beloved  history  and  cherished  memories  are  vindicated,  and  its 
happy  future  fully  assured  and  rendered  inconceivably  grand. 
To  you,  more  tKan  to  any  others,  the  privilege  is  given  to  assure 
that  happiness  and  swell  that  grandeur,  and  to  link  your  own 
Dames  therewith  forever." 

INSTRUCTIONS  TO  MILITARY  AND  NAVAL 

COMMANDERS. 

On  the  twenty-second  of  Julj,  he  issued  the  following 
order : 

"War  Department,  Washington,  July  Tld,  18(>'ii. 

*^  First.  Ordered  that  military  commanders  within  the  States 
of  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Mis- 
sissippi, Louisiana,  Texas,  and  Arkansas,  in  an  ordinary  manner 
seize  and  use  any  property,  real  or  personal,  which  may  be 
necessary  or  convenient  for  their  several  commands,  for  sup- 
plies, or  for  other  military  purposes;  and  that  while  property 
may  be  destroyed  for  proper  military  objects,  none  shall  be  de- 
stroyed in  wantonness  or  malice. 

^'Second.  That  military  and  naval  commanders  shall  employ 
as  laborers,  within  and  from  said  States,  so  many  persons  of 
African  descent  as  can  be  advantageously  used  for  military  or 
naval  purposes,  giving  them  reasonable  wages  for  their  labor. 

"  Third.  That,  as  to  both  property,  and  persons  of  African 
descent,  accounts  shall  be  kept  sufficiently  accurate  and  in  de- 
tail to  show  quantities  and  amounts,  and  from  whom  both  prop- 
erty and  such  persons  shall  have  come,  as  a  basis  upon  which 
compensation  can  be  made  in  proper  cases  ;  and  the  several  de- 
partments of  this  government  shall  attend  to  and  perform  their 
appropriate  parts  toward  the  execution  of  these  orders. 

"  By  order  of  the  President. 

'*  Edwin  M,  Stanton, 

''Secretary  of  \A^ar.^^ 

And  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  July,  by  proclamation,  he 
warned  all  persons  to  cease  participating  in  aiding,  counte- 
nancing, or  abetting  the  rebellion,  and  to  return  to  '•heir 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    129 

allegiance  under  penalty  of  the  forfeitures  and  seizures 
provided  by  an  Act  "  to  suppress  insurrection,  to  punish 
treason  and  rebellion,  to  seize  and  confiscate  the  property 
of  rebels,  and  for  other  purposes,"  approved  on  the  seven- 
teenth of  July,  1862. 

A  DKAFT  FOR  THREE  HUNDRED    THOUSAND 

MEN  ORDERED. 

On  the  fourth  of  August,  1862,  the  following  order  for 
a  draft  was  issued  : 

"  Ordered  :  First,  that  a  draft  of  three  hundred  thousand  mili- 
tia be  immediately  called  into  the  service  of  the  United  States, 
to  serve  for  nine  months,  unless  sooner  discharged.  The  Secre- 
tary of  War  will  assign  the  quotas  to  the  States  and  establish 
regulations  for  the  draft. 

^'Second,  that  if  any  State  shall  not,  by  the  fifteenth  of 
August,  furnish  its  quota  of  the  additional  three  hundred  thou- 
sand volunteers  authorized  by  law,  the  deficiency  of  volunteers 
in  that  State  will  also  be  made  up  by  a  special  draft  from  the 
militia.  The  Secretary  of  War  will  establish  regulations  for 
this  purpose. 

"  Third,  regulations  will  be  prepared  by  the  War  Department, 
iind  presented  to  the  President,  with  the  object  of  securing  the 
promotion  of  officers  of  the  army  and  volunteers  for  meritorious 
and  distinguished  services,  and  of  preventing  the  nomination  and 
appointment  in  the  military  service  of  incompetent  or  un- 
worthy officers. 

"The  regulations  will  also  provide  for  ridding  the  service  of 
Buch  incompetent  persons  as  now  hold  commissions. 

"By  order  of  the  President. 

"  Edwin  M,  Stanton, 

''Secretary  of  War* 

THE    PRESIDENT    SPEAKS     AT    A    WAR 

MEETING. 

On  the  sixth  of  August,  18('2,  a  large  and  enthusi- 
astic Union  meeting  was  hold  in  Wanhington,  at  which  a 
series  of  patriotic  rcsolntions  was  adopted,  and  numerous 
eloquent  speeches  delivered,  among  others  the  following 
characteristic  one  bv  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  nation : 

"FeUoiv-ritizc/is :  I  believe  there  is  no  precedent  for  my  ap- 
pearing before  you  on  this  occasion,  [applause,]   but  it  is  also 


130    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLX 

true  that  there  is  no  precedent  for  your  being-  here  yourselves, 
[applause  and  laughter.]  and  I  offer,  in  justificalion  of  myself 
and  of  you,  that,  upon  examination,  I  have  found  nothing  in  the 
Constitution  against  it.  [Renewed  applause.]  I,  however,  have 
an  impression  that  there  are  younger  gentlemen  who  will  enter- 
tain you  better,  [voices — 'No,  no!  none  can  do  better  than 
yourself.  Go  on  !']  and  better  address  your  understanding  than 
I  will  or  could,  and  therefo  e  I  propose  but  to  detain  you  a  mo- 
ment longer.     [Cries — '  Go    u  !     Tar  and  feather  the  rebels  !'] 

"  I  am  very  little  inclined  on   any  occasion  to  say  any  thing 
unless  1  hope  to  produce  some  good  by  it.     [A  voice — *  You  do 
that ;  go  on.']     The  only  thing  I  think  of  just  now  not  likely  to 
be  better  said  by  some  one  else  is  a  matter  in  which  we  have 
heard    some   other   persons    blamed    for   what   I    did    myself. 
[Voices — '  What  is  it  ?'J     There  has  been  a  very  wide-spread  at- 
tempt to  have  a  quarrel  between   General  McClellan  and  the 
Secretary  of  War.     Now,  I  occupy  a  position  that  enables  me 
to  observe,  at  least  these  two  gentlemen  are  not  nearly  so  deep 
in  the  quarrel  as  some  pretending  to  be  their  friends.     [Cries  of 
'  Good.']     General  McClellan's  attitude  is  such  that,  in  the  very 
selfishness  of  his  nature,  he  cannot  but  wish  to   be  successful, 
and  I  hope  he  wjII — and  the  Secretary  of  War  is  in  precisely  the 
same  situation.      If  the  military  commanders  in  the  field  cannot 
be  successful,  not  only  the  Secretary  of  War,  but  myself,  fur  the 
time  being:  the  master  of  them   both,  cannot  be   but  failures. 
[Laughter  and  apjilause.]     I  know  General  McClellan  wishes  to 
be  successful,  and  I  know  he  does  not  wish  it  any  more  than  the 
Secretary  of  War  for  him,  and  both  of  them  together  no  more 
than  1  wish  it.     [Applause  ar.d  cries  of  '  Good.']     Sometimes 
we  have  a  dispute  about  how  many  men  General  McClellan  has 
had,  and  those  who  would  disparage  him  say  that  he  has  had  a 
very  large  number,  and  those  who  would  disparage  the  Secretary 
of  War  insist  that   General    McClellan   has   had  a  very  small 
number.     'J'he  basis  for  this  is,  there  is  always  a  wide  difference, 
and  on  this  occasion   ]iei'haps  a  wider  one,  l)otween   the. grand 
total  on  McClcUan's  rolls  and  the  men  actually  fit  for  duty  ;  and 
those  who  would  disparaire  him  talk  of  the  grand  total  on  paper, 
and  those  who  would    d:spara>rft  the   Secretary  of  War  talk  of 
those  at  present  fit  for  duty.     Gen(M*al  McClellan  has  pometimes 
asked   for  things  that  the  Secretary  of  War  did  not  give  him. 
General  McClellan  is  not  to  i>lvim''  U)v  asking  what  he  wanted  and 
needed,  and  the  Secretary  of  War  is  not  to  blame  for  not  giving 
when  he  had  none  to  givt.'.     [A))plau.«-e.  laughter,  and  cries  of 
'  Good,  good.']     And  1  say  here,  as  far  us  I  know,  the  Secretary 
of  War  has  withheld  no  one  thing  at  any  time  in  my  power  to 
give  him.     [Wild  applause,  and   a  voice— 'Give  him   enough 
now!']     I   have  no  accusation  against  him.     I   believe  he  is  a 
brave  and  able  man,  [apjjlause.]  and  I  stand  here,  as  justice  re- 
quires me  to  do,  to  take  upon  myself  wh;it  has  been  charged  OS 
the  Secretary  of  War,  as  withholding  from  him. 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.   131 

'•I  have  talked  longer  than  I  expected  to,  [cries  of  *  No,  no- 
go  on,']  and  now  I  avail  myself  of  my  privilege  of  saying  no 
more." 


THE    EMANCIPATION    PROCLAMATIONS    OP 
SEPTEMBER,   1862,  AND  JANUARY,  1863. 

On  the  twenty-second  of  September,  1862,  Mr.  Lincoln 
issued  one  of  the  two  most  important  proclamations  ever 
/  enned  by  a  President  of  the  United  States  :  that  which 
mnounced  to  the  negroes  held  as  slaves  in  the  rebellious 
States  that  on  and  after  the  first  day  of  the  new  3''ear,  they 
should  be  forever  released  from  bondage.  This  great  docu- 
ment, which  was  read  with  joy  by  the  loyal  residents  of  the 
North,  and  which  was  a  source  of  such  infinite  happiness 
to  the  unfortunate  class  of  beings  who  were  to  be  more 
particularly  affected  by  its  provisions,  was  as  follows : 

"I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy 
thereof,  do  hereby  proclaim  and  declare  that  hereafter  as  here- 
tofore the  war  will  be  prosecuted  for  the  object  of  practically 
restoring  the  constitutional  relation  between  the  United  States 
and  the  people  thereof  in  those  States  in  which  that  relation  is, 
or  may  be,  suspended  or  disturbed  ;  that  it  is  my  purpose  upon 
the  next  meeting  of  Congress  to  again  recommend  the  adoption 
of  a  practical  measure  tendering  pecuniary  aid  to  the  free  ac- 
ceptance or  rejection  of  all  the  slave  States,  so-called,  the  peo- 
ple whereof  may  not  then  be  in  rebellion  against  the  United 
States,  and  which  States  may  then  have  voluntarily  adopted,  or 
thereafter  may  voluntarily  adopt,  the  immediate  or  gradual 
abolishment  of  slavery  within  their  respective  limits,  and  that 
the  effort  to  colonize  persons  of  African  descent,  with  their  con- 
Bent,  upon  the  continent  or  elsewhere,  with  the  previously  ob- 
tained consent  of  the  government  existing  there,  will  be  con- 
tinued ;  that  on  the  first  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-three,  all  persons  held  as 
slaves  within  any  State,  or  any  designated  part  of  a  State,  the 
people  whereof  shall  then  be  in  rebellion  against  the  United 
States,  shall  be  then,  thenceforward  and  forever,  free,  and  the 
executive  government  of  the  United  States,  including  the 
military  and  naval  authority  thereof,  will  recognize  and  main- 
tain the  freedom  of  such  persons,  and  will  do  no  act  or  acts  to 
repress  such  persons,  or  any  of  them,  in  any  efforts  they  may 
make  for  their  actual  freedom  j  that  the  Executive  will,  ou  the  first 


132    L';FP  ^NJ)  SERVICES  jF  ABBAHAM  LINCOLN. 

day  of  January  aforesaid,  by  proclamation,  designate  the  States 
and  parts  of  States,  if  any,  in  which  the  people  thereof  respec- 
tively shall  then  be  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States  ;  and 
the  fact  that  any  State,  or  the  people  thereof,  shall  on  that  day 
be  in  good  faith  represented  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  by  members  chosen  thereto,  at  elections  wherein  a  ma- 
jority of  the  qualified  voters  of  such  Statp  shall  have  partici- 
pated, shall,  ir.  the  absence  of  strong  countervailing  testimony, 
be  deemed  conclusive  evidence  that  such  State  and  the  people 
thereof  have  not  been  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States. 

"  That  attention  is  hereby  called  to  an  act  of  Congress  en- 
titled, 'An  act  to  make  an  additional  article  of  war,'  approved 
March  13,  1862,  and  which  act  is  in  the  words  and  figures  fol- 
lowing : 

"  'Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Ttepresentatives  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled,  That  here- 
after the  following  shall  be  promulgated  as  an  additional  article 
of  war  for  the  government  of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  and 
shall  be  observed  and  obeyed  as  such. 

** '  Article  — .  All  officers  or  persons  of  the  military  or  naval 
service  of  the  United  States  are  prohibited  from  employing  any 
of  the  forces  under  their  respective  commands  for  the  purpose 
of  returning  fugitives  from  service  or  labor  who  may  have 
escaped  from  any  persons  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  is 
claimed  to  be  due,  and  any  officer  who  shall  be  found  guilty  by 
a  court-martial  of  violating  this  article,  shall  be  dismissed  from 
the  service. 

"  '  Sec.  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted.  That  this  act  shall  take 
efifect  from  and  after  its  passage.' 

^  Also  to  the  ninth  and  tenth  sections  of  an  act  entitled,  *  An 
Jict  to  suppress  insurrection,  to  punish  treason  and  rebellion,  to 
seize  and  confiscate  property  of  rebels,  and  for  other  purposes,' 
approved  July  17,  1862,  and  which  sections  are  in  the  words 
and  figures  following: 

" '  Sec.  9.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  slaves  of  per- 
sons who  shall  hereafter  be  engaged  in  rebellion  against  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  or  who  shall  in  any  way  give 
aid  or  comfort  thereto,  escaping  from  such  persons  and  taking 
refuge  within  the  lines  of  the  army ;  and  all  slaves  captured 
from  such  persons  or  deserted  by  them,  and  coming  under  the 
control  of  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and  all  slaves  of 
such  persons  found  on  (or  being  within)  any  place  occupied  by 
rebel  forces  and  afterwards  occupied  by  the  forces  of  the  United 
States,  shall  be  deemed  captives  of  war,  and  shall  be  forever 
free  of  their  servitude  and  not  again  held  as  slaves. 

"  '  Sec.  10.  And  be  it  further  enacted.  That  no  slave  escaping 
into  any  State,  Territory,  or  the  District  of  Columbia,  from  any 
of  the  States,  shall  be  delivered  up,  or  in  any  way  impeded  or 
hindered  of  his  liberty,  except  for  crime,  or  some  oil'euce  against 


1.IFE  AND  t>EKVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    133 

the  laws,  unless  the  person  claiming  said  fugitive  shall  first  make 
oath  that  the  person  to  whom  the  labor  or  service  of  such  fugi- 
tive is  alleged  to  be  due,  is  his  lawful  owner,  and  has  not  beea 
in  arms  against  the  United  States  in  the  present  rebellion,  nor 
in  any  way  given  aid  and  comfort  thereto;  and  no  person  en- 
gaged in  the  military  or  naval  service  of  the  United  States 
shall,  under  any  pretence  whatever,  assume  to  decide  on  the 
validity  of  the  claim  of  any  person  to  the  service  or  labor  of  any 
other  person,  or  surrender  up  any  such  person  to  the  claimant, 
on  pain  of  being  dismissed  from  the  service.' 

"  And  I  do  hereby  enjoin  upon,  and  order  all  persons  engaged 
in'the  military  and  naval  service  of  the  United  States  to  ob- 
serve, obey  and  enforce  within  their  respective  spheres  of  ser- 
vice the  act  and  sections  above  recited. 

"  And  the  executive  will  in  due  time  recommend  that  all  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States  who  shall  have  remained  loyal  thereto 
throughout  the  rebellion,  shall  (upon  the  i;estoration  of  the  con- 
stitutional relation  between  the  United  States  and  their  respec- 
tive States  and  people,  if  the  relation  shall  have  been  suspended 
or  disturbed)  be  compensated  for  all  losses  by  acts  of  the  United 
States,  including  the  loss  of  slaves. 

"  In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  twenty-second  day  of 
September,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  sixty-two,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States 
the  eighty-seventh, 

**  By  the  President :  **  Abraham  Lincoln. 

"  Wm.  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State." 

Such  a  bold  movement  was  necessarily  distasteful  to 
the  traitors,  and  while  the  Southern  journals  pronounced 
it  to  be  a  bid  for  the  slaves  to  rise  in  insurrection,  a  bid 
which  none  but  a  barbarian  would  devise,  it  was  denounced 
in  the  Richmond  Congress,  and  a  resolution  was  there 
offered,  exhorting  the  people  to  slay  every  Union  soldier 
and  raider  found  within  their  borders,  and  offering  a  reward 
to  every  negro,  who  would,  after  the  first  of  January,  1863, 
kill  a  Unionist. 

The  other  important  proclamation  was  issued  on  the 
first  of  January,  1863,  and  was  worded  as  follows  : 

'^Whereas,  on  the  twenty-second   day  of  September,  in 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-two,  a 
proclamation  was  issued  by  the  President  of  the  United  States 
containiDg  among  other  things  the  following,  to  wit : 


134    LIFE  AXD  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN". 

"  That  on  tlie  first  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-three,  all  persons  held  as 
slaves  within  any  State,  or  designated  part  of  a  State,  the 
people  whereof  shall  then  be  in  rebellion  against  the  United 
States,  shall  be  then,  thenceforth  and  forever  free,  and  the  Ex- 
ecutive Government  of  the  United  States,  including  the  military 
and  naval  authorities  thereof,  will  recognize  and  maintain  the 
freedom  of  such  persons,  and  will  do  no  act  or  acts  to  repress 
such  persons,  or  any  of  them,  in  any  efforts  they  may  make  for 
their  actual  freedom. 

"  That  the  Executive  will,  on  the  first  day  of  January  afore- 
said, by  proclamation,  designate  the  States  and  parts  of  States, 
if  any,  in  which  the  people  therein  respectively  shall  then  be  in 
rebellion  against  the  United  States,  and  the  fact  that  any  State 
or  the  people  thereof,  shall  on  that  day  be  in  good  faith  repre- 
sented in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  by  members  chosen 
thereto,  at  elections  wherein  a  majority  of  the  qualified  voters 
of  such  States  shall  have  participated,  sliall.  in  the  absence  of 
strong  countervailing  testimony,  be  deemed  conclusive  evidence 
that  such  State  and  the  people  thereof  are  not  then  in  rebellion 
against  the  United  States. 

"  Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the 
United  States,  by  virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested  as  Com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  Array  and  Navy  of  the  United  States  in 
time  of  actual  armed  rebellion  against  the  authority  and  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States,  and  as  a  fit  and  necessary  war 
measure  for  suppressing  said  rebellion,  do,  on  this  first  day  of 
January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  sixty-three,  and  in  accordance  with  my  purpose  so  to  do, 
publicly  proclaimed  for  the  full  period  of  one  hundred  days 
from  the  day  of  the  first  above-mentioned  order,  and  designate, 
as  the  States  and  parts  of  States  wherein  the  people  thereof 
respectively  are  this  day  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States, 
the  following  to  wit :  Arkansas,  Texas,  Louisiana,  except  the 
parishes  of  St.  Bernard,  Plaquemines,  Jeflerson,  St.  John,  St. 
Charles,  St.  James,  Ascension,  Assumption,  Terre  Bonne,  La- 
fourche, St.  Mary,  St.  Martin,  and  Orleans,  including  the  City 
of  New  Orleans.  Mississippi,  Alabama,  Florida,  Georgia, 
South  Carolina,  North  Carolina,  and  Virginia,  except  the  forty- 
eight  counties  designated  as  West  Virginia,  and  also  the 
counties  of  Berkeley,  Accomac,  Northampton,  Elizabeth  City, 
York,  Princess  Ann,  and  Norfolk,  including  the  cities  of  Nor- 
folk and  Portsmouth,  and  which  excepted  parts  are,  for  the 
present,  left  precisely  as  if  this  proclamation  were  not  issued. 

"And  by  virtue  of  the  power  and  for  the  purpose  aforesaid,  I 
do  order  and  declare  that  all  persons  held  as  slaves  within  said 
designated  States  and  parts  of  States  are,  and  henceforward 
Bhall  be  free ;  and  that  the  Executive  Government  of  the 
United   States,  including  the   Military  and  Naval  authorities 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LI^COLN.    135 

thereof,   will    recognize    and    maintain    the    freedom    of    said 
persons. 

"And  I  hereby  enjoin  upon  the  people  so  declared  to  be  free, 
to  abstain  from  all  violence,  unless  in  necessary  self-defence,  and  I 
recommend  to  them,  that  in  all  cases,  when  allowed,  they  labor 
faithfully  for  reasonable  wages. 

"And  I  further  declare  and  make  known  that  such  persons  of 
suitable  condition  will  be  received  into  the  armed  service  of 
the  United  States  to  garrison  forts,  positions,  stations,  and 
other  places,  and  to  man  vessels  of  all  sorts  in  said  service. 

"And  upon  this,  sincerely  believed  to  be  an  act  of  justice, 
warranted  by  the  Constitution,  upon  military  necessity,  I  invoke 
the  considerate  judgment  of  mankind  and  the  gracious  favor 
of  Almighty  God. 

"In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  afiBxed. 

"  Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  first  day  of 
J-        -J     January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord   one  thousand  eight 
i-  *    *-'     hundred  and  sixty-three,  and  of  the  Independence  of 
the  United  States  of  America  the  eighty-seventh. 
"  By  the  President  :  "Abraham  Lincoln. 

"  William  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State.'' 

SUSPENSION    OF    THE    WRIT    OP    HABEAS 

CORPUS. 

On  the  twenty-fourth  of  September,  1862,  two  clays 
after  the  promulgation  of  the  renowned  Emancipation  Proc- 
lamation, the  following  order  was  published : 

"  Whereas,  It  has  become  necessary  to  call  into  service,  not 
only  volunteers,  but  also  portions  of  the  militia  of  the  State  by 
draft,  in  order  to  suppress  the  insurrection  existing  in  the  United 
States,  and  disloyal  persons  are  not  adequately  restrained  by 
the  ordinary  processes  of  law  from  hindering  this  measure,  and 
from  giving  aid  and  comfort  in  various  ways  to  the  insurrection  : 

"  Now,  therefore,  be  it  ordered  : 

"  First.  That  during  the  existing  insurrection,  and  as  a  ne- 
cessary measure  for  suppressing  the  same,  all  rebels  and  insur- 
gents, their  aiders  and  abettors,  within  the  United  States,  and 
uU  persons  discouraging  volunteer  enlistments,  resisting  militia 
drafts,  or  guilty  of  any  disloyal  practice  affording  aid  and  com- 
fort to  the  rebels  against  the  authority  of  the  United  States, 
shall  be  subject  to  martial  law,  and  liable  to  trial  and  punish- 
ment by  courts-martial  or  military  commissions. 

"  Third.  That  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  is  suspended  in  re- 
spect to  all  persons  arrested,  or  who  are  now,  or  hereafter  du- 
ring the  rebellion  shall  be  imprisoned  in  any  fort,  camp,  arsenal, 
military  prison,  or  other  place  of  confiuemeut,  by  any  military 


136    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

authority  or  by  the  sentence  of  any  court-martial   or  military 
commission. 

"  In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  City  of  Washing-ton,  this  twenty-fourth  day  of 
September,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  sixty-two,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States 
the  eiiihty-seventh. 

"  By  the  President.  "  Abraham  Lincoln. 

"  Wm.  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State." 

The  suspension  of  the  Writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  was 
naturally  obnoxious  to  Northern  sympathizers  with  trea- 
son, and  for  some  time  their  newspaper  organs  were  daily 
filled  with  editorial  and  other  articles,  teeming  with  in- 
vidious criticism  and  abuse.  The  act  placed  more  power 
in  the  hands  of  the  President  than  was  acceptable  to  men 
who,  by  their  voice  and  pen,  if  not  by  their  pecuniary 
means,  were  aiding  and  abetting  the  enemies  of  the  country, 
^nd  as  they  were  not  aware  what  moment  they  might  be 
arrested  and  imprisoned  for  their  despicable  crimes,  in 
their  regard  for  their  personal  safety,  they  forgot  their 
prudence,  and  abused  the  Executive.  The  beneficial  ef- 
fects of  the  order  were  not  over-estimated  by  Mr.  Lincoln, 
and  with  its  promulgation  almost  entirely  ceased  the  in- 
teference  with  enlistments,  which  had  too  often  before  that 
date  delayed  the  organization  of  regiments  in  some  of  the 
loyal  States. 

THE  SABBATH  TO  BE  OBSERVED. 

On  the  sixteenth  of  November,  1862,  the  following 
order  was  issued  to  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  Union  : 

"  The  President,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy, 
desires  and  enjoins  the  orderly  observance  of  the  Sabbath  by 
the  officers  and  men  in  the  military  and  naval  service.  The  im- 
portance for  man  and  beast  of  the  prescribed  weekly  rest,  the 
sacred  rights  of  Christian  soldiers  and  sailors,  a  becoming  defer- 
ence to  the  best  sentiment  of  a  Christian  people,  and  a  due 
regard  for  the  Divine  will,  demand  that  Sunday  labor  in  the 
,Aruiy  and  Navy  be  reduced  to  the  measure  of  strict  necessity. 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    137 

"  The  discipline  and  character  of  the  National  forces  should 
not  suffer,  nor  the  cause  they  defend  be  imperilled,  by  the  pro- 
fanation of  the  day  or  name  of  the  Most  High.  'At  this  time  of 
public  distress'  adopting  the  words  of  Washington  in  1776, 
'  men  may  find  enough  to  do  in  the  service  of  God  and  their 
country  without  abandoning  themselves  to  vice  and  immorality.' 
The  first  general  order  issued  by  the  Father  of  his  Country 
after  the  Declaration  of  Independence  indicates  the  spirit  in 
which  our  institutions  were  founded  and  should  ever  be  defended  : 
*  The  General  hopes  and  trusts  that  every  officer  and  man  will 
endeavor  to  live  and  act  as  becomes  a  Christian  soldier  defend- 
ing the  dearest  rights  and  liberties  of  his  country.' 

"Abraham  Lincoln." 

HIS  AlSriSrUAL  MESSAGE.— IMPORTANT  RECOM- 
MENDATIONS   TO    CONGRESS. 

On  the  first  of  December,  1862,  Mr.  Lincoln  sent  in  to 
Congress  his  annual  message  ;  giving  a  satisfactory  resumd 
of  the  events  of  the  previous  twelve  months ;  calling  the 
attention  of  the  Senators  and  Representatives  to  important 
matters  which  should  receive  their  notice  ;  recommending 
the  organization  of  national  banking  associations,  under 
the  hope  and  belief  that  they  would  be  the  means  of  pro- 
moting the  early  resumption  of  specie  payments  ;  re-im- 
pressed upon  them  the  importance  of  his  plan  of  "  compen- 
sated emancipation;"  repeated  at  length  his  views  upon 
the  slavery  question,  and  recommended  the  adoption  of 
the  following  resolutions  and  articles  amendatory  to  the 
Constitution : 

"Eesolved,  By  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  two-thirds 
of  both  houses  concurring,  that  the  following  articles  be  pro- 
posed to  the  Legislatures  or  Conventions  of  the  several  States, 
as  amendments  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  all  oi 
any  of  which  articles,  when  ratified  by  three-fourths  of  the  said 
Legislatures  or  Conventions,  to  be  valid  as  part  or  parts  of  the 
said  Constitution,  namely  : 

"Article  — .  Every  State  wherein  slavery  now  exists,  which 
shall  abolish  the  same  therein  at  any  time  or  times  before  the 
first  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  nine 
hundred,  shall  receive  compensation  from  the  United  States  as 
follows,  to  wit : 


138    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LIJNCOLN'. 

"  The  President  of  the  United  States  shall  deliver  to  every 
such  State,  bonds  of  the  United  States,  bearing  interest  at  the 

rate  of ,  for  each  slave  shown  to  have  been  therein,  by  the 

eighth  census  of  the  United  States  ;  said  bonds  to  be  delivered 
to  yuch  State  by  instalments,  or  in  one  parcel  at  the  completion 
of  the  abolishment,  according-  as  the  same  shall  have  been 
gradual  or  at  one  time  within  such  State  ;  and  interest  shall 
begin  to  run  upon  any  such  bond  only  from  the  proper  time  of  its 
delivery  as  aforesaid,  and  afterward.  Any  State  having  received 
bonds  as  aforesaid,  and  afterward  introducing  or  tolerating 
slavery  therein,  shall  refund  to  the  United  States  the  bonds  so 
received,  or  the  value  thereof,  and  all  interest  paid  thereon. 

"Article  — .  All  slaves  who  shall  have  enjoyed  actual  free- 
dom, by  the  chances  of  the  war  at  any  time,  before  the  end  of 
the  rebellion,  shall  be  forever  free  ;  but  all  owners  of  such,  who 
shall  not  have  been  disloyal,  shall  be  compensated  for  them  at 
the  same  rates  as  is  provided  for  States  adopting  abolishment 
of  slavery — but  in  such  a  way  that  no  slave  shall  be  twice 
accounted  for. 

"Article  — .  Congress  may  appropriate  money,  and  otherwise 
provide  for  colonizing  free  colored  persons  with  their  own  con- 
sent, at  any  place  or  places  without  the  United  States." 

The  message  and  its  recommendations  were  received 
with  the  same  eclat  which  has  attended  all  the  official 
documents  penned  by  the  illustrious  statesman.  The 
proclamation  of  September  had  awakened  the  people  of 
the  Union  to  the  vast  advantages  to  be  derived  from  the 
adoption  of  his  views  and  suggestions  on  every  thing  re- 
lating to  slavery,  and  as  the  day  on  which  the  unfortunate 
blacks  were  to  be  rescued  from  a  life  of  degradation  ap- 
proached, thousands,  who  bad  hitherto  protested  against 
interference  with  the  "  peculiar  institution,"  united  with 
their  old  political  opponents,  and  awaited  anxiously  the 
hour  when  the  order  of  emancipation  was  to  go  into  effect. 
Residents  of  foreign  lands  were  no  less  eager  for  the  time 
to  arrive  when  the  Federal  Government  should  strike  off 
the  fetters  of  the  slave,  and  among  other  complimentary 
addresses  sent  to  the  President,  was  one  from  Manchester, 
England,  from  which  we  make  the  following  extracts : 

"As   citizens   of  Manchester,  assembled  at  the   Free-Trade 
Hall,  we  beg  to  express  our  fraternal  sentiments  toward  you  and 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    139 

your  country.  We  rejoice  in  your  greatness  as  an  outgrowth 
of  England,  whose  blood  and  language  you  share,  whose  orderly 
and  legal  freedom  you  have  applied  to  new  circumstances,  over 
a  region  immeasurably  greater  than  our  own.  We  honor  your 
Free  States,  as  a  singularly  happy  abode  for  the  working  mil- 
lions where  industry  is  honored.  One  thing  alone  has,  in  the 
past,  lessened  our  sympathy  with  your  country  and  our  confi- 
dence in  it — we  mean  the  ascendency  of  politicians  who  not 
merely  maintained  negro  slavery,  but  desired  to  extend  and  root 
it  more  firmly.  We  joyfully  honor  you,  as  the  President,  and 
the  Congress  with  you,  for  many  decisive  steps  toward  practi- 
cally exemplifying  your  belief  in  the  words  of  your  great 
founders:  'All  men  are  created  free  and  equal.'  You  have 
procured  the  liberation  of  the  slaves  in  the  district  aronnd 
Washington,  and  thereb}^  made  the  centre  of  your  Federation 
visibly  free.  You  have  enforced  the  laws  against  the  slave- 
trade,  and  kept  u])  your  fleet  against  it,  even  while  every  ship 
W'as  wanted  for  service  in  your  terrible  war.  You  have  nobly 
decided  to  receive  embassadors  from  the  negro  republics  of 
ITayti  and  Liberia,  thus  forever  renouncing  that  unworthy 
prejudice  which  refuses  the  rights  of  humanity  to  men  and 
women  on  account  of  their  color.  In  order  more  ciVeclnally  to 
stop  the  slave-trade,  you  have  made  with  our  Qnceii  a  ti-ea'y, 
which  your  Senate  has  ratified,  for  the  right  of  un;tual  svai'di. 
Your  Congicss  has  decreed  freedom  as  the  law  forever  in  th(! 
vast  unoccupied  oi-  half  unsettled  '^i'erritories  which  are  directly 
subject  to  its  legislative  power.  It  has  oiTered  ])ecuniary  aid  to 
all  States  which  will  enact  emancipation  locally,  and  has  for- 
bidden your  generals  to  restore  fugitive  slaves  who  seek  tlieir 
protection.  You  have  entreated  the  slave-masters  to  accept 
these  moderate  ofiers  ;  and  after  long  and  patient  waiting,  you, 
as  Commander-in-chief  of  tlie  Army,  have  appointed  to-morrow, 
the  Brst  of  January,  18C3,  as  the  day  of  nncondilional  freedom 
for  the  slaves  of  the  rebel  States.  AVe  implore  you,  for  your 
own  honor  and  welfare,  not  to  faint  in  your  providential  mission. 
While  your  enthusiasm  is  aflame,  and  the  tide  of  events  runs 
high,  let  the  work  be  finished  effectually.  Leave  no  root  of 
bitterne:-s  to  snrinii:  up  and  work  fresh  niiserv  to  vour  children. 
It  is  a  ir.ighty  task,  indeed,  to  reorganize  the  industry  not  only 
of  four  millions  of  the  colored  race,  but  of  live  niiiliiuis  of 
whites.  Neveitlit'less.  the  vast  ])rogress  you  liave  n;ade  in  the 
sh(U-t  S]>ae<^  of  twenty  months,  fill  us  with  ho])e  that  every 
stain  on  yojir  frtM^dom  will  shortly  be  removed,  and  that  the 
erasure  of  that  foul  blot  upon  civilization  and  Christianity — 
chntde  slavery — <1urinu-  yo'.ir  PiesidfMicy,  will  cause  the  name  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  to  be  honored  and  revered  by  posterity." 

In  answer  to  this  flattering  letter,  Mr.  Lincoln  sent  a 
happy  response,  in  which  he  explained  the  motive  which 


140    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN". 

had  prompted  him  to  the  undeviating  course  he  hf^s  pur- 
sued since  his  inauguration.  He  had,  he  said,  considered 
the  duty  of  maintaining  and  preserving  the  Constitution 
and  the  integrity  of  the  Federal  Republic  paramount  to 
all  others,  and  as  a  conscientious  purpose  to  perform  that 
duty  was  the  key  to  all  the  measures  of  his  administra- 
tion, he  could  not,  if  he  would,  under  his  oath  and  our 
frame  of  government,  depart  from  that  purpose. 

THE  PRESIDENT  VISITS  THE   ARMY  OF    THE 

POTOMAC. 

Early  in  April,  1863,  the  President  left  "Washington  on 
a  visit  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  He  had  in  the  pre- 
vious year,  when  the  same  noble  troops  were  resting  at 
Harrison's  Landing,  after  their  campaign  before  Richmond, 
gone  thither  to  observe  for  himself  their  true  condition, 
and  upon  other  occasions  has  visited  their  camping-grounds, 
where  he  has  been  always  received  with  great  enthusiasm. 
Upon  the  visit  to  which  we  now  refer,  ]ie  was  accompanied 
by  Mrs,  Lincoln  and  one  of  his  sons,  and  an  eye-witness 
thus  describes  the  proceedings  incident  to  the  entertain- 
ment of  such  distinguished  guests  : 

On  the  morning  of  April  seventh,  18G3,  a  reception  was 
had  in  General  Hooker's  tent,  the  members  of  the  staff  pass- 
ing in  and  being  introduced  to  the  President  by  the  Chief  of 
Staff.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  in  unusual  good  humor,  and  com- 
pletely banished  the  constraint  felt  by  all  by  his  sociability 
and  shafts  of  wit.  The  interview  lasted  some  time,  much 
to  the  enjoyment  of  all,  until  finally  the  ofi&cers  one  by  one 
dropped  out,  and  the  hour  designated  for  the  review  ar- 
rived. Early  in  the  morning  the  several  cavalry  brigades 
commenced  moving  towards  the  field  selected  for  the  re- 
view, and  during  the  forenoon  were  engaged  forming  the 
lines  and  stationing  guards  to  keep  off  the  crowd.  At 
noon  the  roar  of  artillery  announced  that  the  cortege  had 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN".    141 

arrived.  President  Lincoln,  mounted  on  a  magnificent 
bay,  adorned  witli  heavy  trappings,  rode  steadily  and 
rapidly  along  the  line,  with  Generals  Hooker  and  Stone- 
man  at  his  side,  and  followed  by  an  imposing  cavalcade 
of  general  officers,  aides-de-camp  and  orderlies.  Having 
returned  to  the  right  of  the  line,  a  position  was  selected  for 
the  President  upon  a  slight  eminence,  while  the  cavalry  at 
a  walk  passed  in  review  before  him,  the  bands  playing 
and  the  bugles  sounding  merrily.  Mrs.  Lincoln  occupied 
a  carriage  at  the  right  of  the  President  while  the  regi- 
ments passed  in  review,  surrounded  by  major-generals  and 
stars  of  lesser  magnitude.  After  the  cavalry  had  moved 
off  the  field,  the  lancers,  in  splendid  order,  wheeled  around 
into  line  fronting  the  President,  while  the  light  artillery 
dashed  at  a  gallop  through  the  avenue  thus  formed,  the 
guns  and  caissons  bounding  over  the  irregularities  as 
though  the  wheels  were  of  India  rubber.  The  cannon 
were  soon  off  the  field,  the  lancers  filed  in  behind  the  cav- 
alcade of  generals,  spectators  vanished,  and  the  plateau, 
torn  and  trodden  by  the  squadrons,  was  left  to  the  scatter- 
ing working  parties  engaged  in  preparing  the  ground  foi 
the  grand  review  of  infantry.  The  President  also  rode 
over  to  the  head-quarters  of  several  commanding  officers, 
and  during  the  day  reviewed  the  reserve  artillery. 

Doubtless  the  lady  readers  are  anxious  to  know  iq 
what  dress  the  wife  of  the  Chief  Magistrate  visited  the 
army,  how  she  appeared,  what  she  said,  and  how  she  liked 
the  contrast — the  Executive  mansion,  with  its  costly  fur 
niture,  and  the  bare  floor,  cot  and  camp  stools  of  the  field. 
Mrs.  Lincoln's  attire  was  exceedingly  simple — of  that  pe- 
culiar style  of  simplicity  which  creates  at  the  time  no  im- 
pression upon  the  mind,  and  prevents  one  from  remem- 
bering any  article  of  dress.  In  this  case  there  was  nothing 
to  attract  attention,  and  after  she  had  entered  the  tent 
there  was  not  one  in  twenty  of  those  gathered  about  who 


142     LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

could  tell  what  she  wore.  A  rich  black  silk  dress,  with 
narrow  flounces ;  a  black  cape,  with  a  broad  trimming  of 
velvet  around  the  border,  and  a  plain  hat  of  the  same  hue, 
composed  her  costume.  A  shade  of  weariness,  doubtless 
the  result  of  her  labors  in  behalf  of  the  sick  and  wounded 
in  Washington,  rested  upon  her  countenance  ;  but  the 
change  seemed  pleasant  to  her,  and  the  scenes  of  camp 
were  noted  with  evident  interest.  The  President  wore  a 
dark  sack  overcoat  and  a  fur  muffler,  while  Master  Lincoln 
sported  a  suit  of  gra}',  and  rambled  about  among  the  tents, 
examining  the  quarters  of  the  staff,  and  watched  by  the 
orderlies  and  sentries  with  a  curiosity  somewhat  amusing 

THE    ENROLMENT    ACT    AND    THE    HIGHTS 

OP    ALIENS. 

To  enumerate  all  the  proclamations  which  the  President 
issued  during  the  year  1803,  would  be  impossible  in  tliis 
work,  and  we  must  therefore  restrict  ourselves  to  those 
which  were  of  more  than  usual  interest.  The  one  in  re- 
gard to  the  rights  of  aliens,  under  the  act  calling  out  the 
national  forces,  was  one  of  these,  and  reads  as  follows  : 

"Whereas,  The  Conjrress  of  the  United  States  at  its  last 
Bes?inn  enacted  a  law  entitled,  'An  act  for  enrolling  and  callini^ 
out  the  national  forces  and  for  other  purposes,'  which  was  ap- 
proved on  the  third  day  of  March  hiSt,  and, 

"  Whereas,  It  is  recited  in  the  said  act  that  there  now  exists 
in  the  United  States  an  insurrection  and  rebellion  ap-ainst  the 
authority  thereof,  and  it  is,  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  the  duty  of  the  Government  to  su])prcss  insurrection  and 
rebellion,  to  guarantee  to  each  State  a  republican  form  of  gov- 
erninent,  and  to  preserve  the  pu'dic  tranquility,  and 

"Whereas,  For  these  hig-h  purposes  a  military  fdrce  is  indis- 
pensable, to  raise  and  support  which  all  persuns  ought  willingly 
to  coutribute  ;  and 

"  WJiereas,  No  service  can  be  more  praisew(»rthy  and  honor- 
able than  that  which  is  rendered  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union,  and  the  coiisequ<-'nt  preservation 
of  the  Government;  and 

"  Dliereas,  For  the  reasons  thus  recited,  it  was  enacted  by  the 
said  statute  that  all  able-bodied  male  citizens  of  the  United 
States  and  persons  of  foreign  birth,  who  shall  have  declared  on 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.     148 

oath  their  intentions  to  become  citizens,  under  and  in  pursuance 
of  the  laws  thereof,  between  the  ages  of  twenty  and  forty-Lve 
years,  with  certain  exceptions  not  necessary  to  be  here  men- 
tioned, are  declared  to  constitute  the  uatioiuil  forces,  and  shall 
he  liable  to  perform  military  duty  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  when  called  out  by  the  President  for  that  purpose  ; 
and 

"  Wliereas,  It  is  claimed,  and  in  behalf  of  persons  of  foreign 
birth  within  the  ages  specified  in  said  act  who  have  heretofore 
declared  on  oath  their  intentions  to  become  citizens  under  and 
in  pursuance  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  who  have 
not  exercised  the  right  of  suffrage  or  any  other  political  fran- 
chise under  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  or  any  of  the  States 
thereof,  are  not  absolutely  precluded  by  their  aforesaid  declara- 
tion of  intention  from  renouncing  their  purpose  to  become 
citizens,  and  that,  on  the  contrary,  such  persons  under  treaties 
or  the  law  of  nations,  retain  a  right  to  renounce  that  purpose 
and  to  forego  the  privilege  of  citizenship  and  residence  within 
the  United  States  under  the  obligations  imposed  by  the  afore- 
said act  of  Congress. 

"  Now,  therefore,  to  avoid  all  misapprehensions  concerning 
the  liability  of  persons  concerned  to  perform  the  service 
required  by  such  enactment,  and  to  give  it  full  effect,  I  do 
hereby  order  and  proclaim  that  no  plea  of  alienage  will  be 
received  or  allowed  to  exempt  from  the  obligations  imposed  by 
the  aforesaid  act  of  Congress,  any  person  of  foreign  birth  who 
shall  have  declared,  on  oath,  his  intention  to  become  a  citizen 
of  the  United  States  under  the  laws  thereof,  and  who  shall  be 
found  within  the  United  States  at  any  time  during  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  present  insurrection  and  rebellion,  at  or  after 
the  expiration  of  the  sixty-five  days  from  the  date  of  this  proc- 
lamation, nor  shall  any  such  plea  of  alienage  be  allowed  in 
favor  of  any  such  person  who  has  so  as  aforesaid  declared  his 
intention  to  become  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  shall 
have  exercised  at  any  time  the  right  of  suffrage  or  any  other 
political  franchise  within  the  United  States,  under  the  laws 
thereof,  or  under  the  laws  of  any  of  the  several  States. 

"  In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  eighth  day  of  May, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1863,  and  of  the  independence  of  the 
United  States  the  eighty-seventh, 

•'  Bv  the  President,  "Abraham  LincoIvN. 

"William  H   Seward,  Secretary  of  State,'' 

A    NATIONAL    THANKSGIVING    ORDERED. 

On  the  fifteenth  day  of  July,  1863,  the  President  or- 
dered the  sixth  of  the  following  month  to  be  set  apart  as 


14:4    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

a  day  of  National  Thanksgiving.  Victories  had  crowned 
our  arms  on  land  and  sea,  and  no  greater  cause  for  ofifer- 
ing  thanks  to  the  Almighty  ever  prompted  the  Chief  Mag- 
istrate of  a  country  to  call  the  people  together,  and  few 
proclamations  were  ever  written  more  chaste  and  beauti- 
ful than  the  following : 

"  It  has  pleased  Almighty  God  to  hearken  to  the  supplications 
and  prayers  of  an  afflicted  people,  and  to  vouclisafe  to  the  army 
dnd  the  navy  of  the  United  States,  on  the  land  and  on  the  sea, 
victories  so  signal  and  so  effective  as  to  furnish  reasonahle 
grounds  for  augmented  confidence  that  the  union  of  these  States 
will  be  maintained,  their  constitutions  preserved,  and  their  peace 
and  prosperity  permanently  preserved. 

*  B~it  these  victories  have  been  accorded  not  without  sacrifice 
of  li.^B,  limb  and  liberty,  incurred  by  the  brave,  patriotic  and 
loyal  citizens.  Domestic  affliction  in  every  part  of  the  couiiuy 
f()llo;'vs  in  the  train  of  these  fearful  bereavements.  It  is  meet 
and  right  to  recognize  and  confess  the  presence  of  the  Almighty 
Father,  and  the  power  of  His  hand  equally  in  these  triumphs 
and  these  sorrows. 

"Now,  therefore,  be  it  known,  that  I  do  set  apart  Thursday, 
the  sixth  day  of  August  next,  to  be  observed  as  a  day  for  na- 
tional Thanksgiving,  praise,  and  prayer,  and  I  invito  the  people  of 
the  United  States  to  assemble  on  that  occasion  in  their  custom- 
ary places  of  worship,  and  in  the  forms  approved  by  their  own 
conscience,  render  the  homage  due  to  the  Divine  Majesty  for 
the  wonderful  things  He  has  done  in  the  nation's  behalf,  and 
invoke  the  influence  of  His  Holy  Spirit  to  subdue  the  anger 
which  has  produced  and  so  long  sustained  a  needless  and  cruel  re- 
bellion ;  to  change  the  hearts  of  the  insurgents,  to  guide  the 
counsels  of  the  government  with  wisdom  adequate  to  so  great  a 
national  emergency,  and  to  visit  with  tender  care  and  consola- 
tion throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  our  land  all  those 
_ay4iO  through  the  vicissitudes  of  marches,  voyages,  battles  and 
sieges,  have  been  brought  to  suffer  in  mind,  body  or  estate  and 
family,  to  lead  the  whole  nation  through  ])aths  of  repentance 
and  submission  to  the  Divine  Will,  back  to  the  perfect  enjoy- 
ment of  Union  and  fraternal  peace. 

"  In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused 
the  aeal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed 

"Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  Loth  day  of  July,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty- 
three,  and  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States  of  America 
the  eighty-eighth.  "Aukauam   Lincoln. 

*'  By  the  President  : 

"  William  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  Slate." 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    145 

LETTER    FROM    THE    PRESIDEISTT    ON    THE 
EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION. 

The  following  letter,  written  in  August,  1863,  in  answer 

to  an  invitation  to  attend  a  meeting  of  unconditional  Union 

men  held  in  Illinois,  gives  at  length  the  President's  views 

at  that  time  on  his  Emancipation  proclamation  : 

"  Executive  Mansion,  Washinoton,  August  2Qth,  1863. 
"My  Dear  Sir: — Your  letter  inviting  me  to  attend  a  mass 
meeting  of  unconditional  Union  men,  to  he  lield  at  the  capitol 
of  Illinois  on  the  third  day  of  September,  has  been  received.  It 
would  be  very  agreeable  to  me  thus  to  meet  my  old  friends  at 
my  own  home;  but  I  cannot  just  now  be  absent  from  this  city 
so  long  as  a  visit  there  would  require.  The  meeting  is  to  be  of 
all  those  who  maintain  unconditional  devotion  to  the  Union  ; 
and  I  am  sure  that  my  old  political  friends  will  thank  me  for 
tendering,  as  I  do,  the  nation's  gratitude  to  those  other  noble 
men  whom  no  partisan  malice  or  partisan  hope  can  make  false 
to  the  nation's  life.  There  are  those  who  are  dissatisfied  with 
me.  To  such  I  would  say : — You  desire  peace,  and  you  blame 
me  that  we  do  not  have  it.  But  how  can  we  attain  it?  There 
are  but  three  conceivable  ways  : — First,  to  suppress  the  rebel- 
lion by  force  of  arms.  'I'his  I  am  trying  to  do.  Are  you  for 
it?  If  you  are,  so  far  we  are  agreed.  If.  you  are  not  for  it,  a 
second  way  is  to  give  up  the  Union.  I  am  afi;-ainst  this.  If  you 
are,  you  should  say  so,  plainly.  If  you  are  not  for  force,  nor  yet 
for  dissolution,  there  only  remains  some  imaginable  compro- 
mise. I  do  not  believe  that  any  compromise  embracing  the 
maintenance  of  the  Union  is  now  possible.  All  that  I  learn 
leads  to  a  directly  opposite  belief.  The  strength  of  the  rebel- 
lion is  its  military — its  army.  That  army  dominates  all  the 
country  and  all  the  people  within  its  range.  Any  offer  of  any 
terms  made  by  any  man  or  men  within  that  range  in  opposition 
to  that  army  is  simply  nothing  for  the  present,  befause  such 
man  or  men  have  no  power  whatever  to  enforce  their  side  of  a 
compromise,  if  one  were  made  with  them.  To  illustrate  :  Sup- 
pose refugees  from  the  South  and  peace  me'n  of  the  North  f>ot 
together  in  convention,  and  frame  and  procltiim  a  compromise 
embracinfr  the  restoration  of  the  Union.  In  what  way  can  that 
comi)ronuse  be  used  to  keep  General  Lee's  army  out  of  Penn- 
sylvania ?  General  Meade's  army  can  keep  Lee's  army  out  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  I  think  can  ultimately  drive  it  out  of  ex- 
istence. But  no  paper  com})romise  to  which  the  controllers  of 
General  Lee's  army  are  not  agreed,  can  at  all  affect  that  army. 
In  an  effort  at  such  compromise  we  would  waste  time  which  the 
enemy  would  imjirove  to  oui-  disadvantage,  and  that  would  be 
all.     A  compromise,  to  be  ellecLive,  must  be  made  either  witJi 


146    LIFE  AND  SEUVICKS  OF  ABiiAIIAM  LINCOLN. 

those  who  control  the  rebel  army,  or  with  the  people,  first  liber- 
ated from  the  doiniiiatioii  of  thul  anny  by  the  success  of  our 
army.  Now,  allow  me  to  assure  you  that  no  word  or  intimation 
from  the  rebel  army,  or  from  any  of  thi?  nien  controlling-  it.  in 
relation  to  ai]y  peace  comiu-omiAe,  has  ever  come  to  my  know- 
ledge or  belief.  All  charges  and  intimations  to  the  contrary 
are  deceptive  and  groundless.  And  I  promise  you  that  if  any 
such  pro})Osition  shall  hereafter  couie.  it  shall  not  be  r<'jecled 
and  ke|)t  secret  fri)m  you.  I  freely  acknowledge  myself  to  be 
the  servant  of  the  peojiie,  according  to  the  bond  of  service,  the 
United  States  constitution  ;  and  that,  as  such,  I  am  responsible 
to  them.  But,  to  be  plain.  You  are  dissatisfied  with  me  about 
the  negro.  Quite  likely  there  is  a  difft-rence  of  opinion  between 
you  and  myself  upon  that  subject.  I  certainly  wisli  that  all 
men  could  be  freC;  while  you.  1  suppose,  do  Dot.  Yet  I  have 
neither  adopted  nor  proposed  any  measure  which  is  not  consist- 
ent with  even  your  view,  provided  you  are  for  the  Union.  1 
suggested  comj)ensated  emancipation,  to  which  you  replied  that 
you  wished  not  to  be  taxed  to  buy  negroes.  But  I  have  not 
asked  you  to  be  taxed  to  buy  negroes,  excejjt  in  such  way  as  to 
save  you  from  greater  taxation,  to  save  the  Union  exclusively 
by  other  means. 

"  You  dislike  the  emancipation  proclamation,  and  perhaps 
would  have  it  retracted.  You  say  it  is  unconstitutional.  1 
think  differently.  J  think  that  the  constitution  invests  its  com- 
mander-in-chief with  the  law  of  war  in  time  of  war.  The  most 
that  can  be  said,  if  so  much,  is,  that  the  slaves  are  property. 
Is  there,  has  there  ever  been,  any  question  that  by  the  law  of 
war,  property,  both  of  enemies  and  friends,  may  be  taken  when 
needed  ?  And  is  it  not  needed  whenever  taking  it  helps  us  or 
hurts  the  enemy  ?  Armies,  the  world  over,  destroy  eiiemies'  prop- 
erty when  they  cannot  use  it;  and  even  destroy  their  own  to 
keep  it  from  the  enemy.  Civilized  belligerents  do  all  in  their 
power  to  help  themselves  or  hurt  the  enemy,  except  a  few 
things  regarded  as  barbarous  or  cruel.  Among  the  exceptions  are 
the  massacre  of  vanquished  foes  and  non-combatants,  male  and 
female.  But  the  proclamation,  as  law,  is  valid  or  is  not  valid. 
If  it  is  not  valid  it  needs  no  retraction.  If  it  is  valid  it  cannot 
be  retracted,  any  more  than  the  dead  can  be  brought  to  life. 
Some  of  you  profess  to  think  that  its  retraction  would  operate 
favorably  for  the  Union.  Why  better  after  the  retraction  than 
before  the  issue?  There  was  more  than  a  year  and  a  half  of 
trial  to  suppress  the  rebellion  before  the  proclamation  was  is- 
sued, the  last  one  hundred  days  of  which  passed  under  an  ex- 
plicit notice,  that  it  was  coming  unless  averted  by  those  in 
revolt  returning  to  their  allegiance.  The  war  has  certainly 
progressed  as  favorably  for  us  since  the  issue  of  the  proclamation 
as  before.  I  know  as  fully  as  one  can  know  the  opinions  of  others, 
that  some  of  the  commanders  of  our  avnies  in  the  field,  who 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.      147 

have  given  U8  our  most  important  victories,  believe  the  emanci- 
pation policy  and  the  aid  of  colored  troops  constitute  the 
heaviest  blows  yet  dealt  to  the  rebellion,  and  that  at  least  one 
of  those  important  successes  could  not  have  been  achieved  when 
it  was  but  for  the  aid  of  black  soldiers.  Among-  the  command- 
ers holding  these  views  are  some  w'ho  have  never  had  any  affinity 
with  what  is  called  abolitionism  or  with  'republican  party 
politics.' — But  who  hold  them  purely  as  military  opinions.  I 
submit  their  opinions  as  being  entitled  to  some  weight  against 
the  objections  often  urged  that  emancipation  and  arming  the 
blacks  are  unwise  as  military  measures,  and  were  not  adopted 
as  such  in  good  faith.  You  say  that  you  will  not  fight  to  free 
negroes.  Some  of  them  seem  to  be  willing  to  fight  for  you — 
but  uo  matter.  Fight  you,  then,  exclusively  to  save  the  Union. 
I  issued  the  proclamation  on  purpose  to  aid  you  in  saving  the 
Union.  Whenever  you  shall  have  conquered  all  resistance  to 
the  Union,  if  I  shall  urge  you  to  continue  fighting,  it  will  be  an 
apt  time  then  for  you  to  declare  that  you  will  not  fight  to  free 
negroes.  I  thought  that  in  your  struggle  for  the  Union,  to 
w'hatever  extent  the  negroes  should  cease  helping  the  enemy,  to 
that  extent  it  weakened  the  enemy  in  his  resistance  to  you.  D'^ 
you  think  diffen^ntly?  I  thought  that  whatever  negroes  can  be 
got  to  do  as  soldiers,  leaves  just  so  much  less  for  white  soldiers 
to  do  in  saving  the  Union.  Does  it  appear  otherwise  to  you? 
But  negroes,  like  other  people,  act  upon  motivta.  Why  should 
they  do  any  thing  for  us  if  we  will  do  nothing  for  them  ?  If 
tluy  stake  their  lives  for  us  they  must  be  prompted  by  the^ 
strongest  motive,  even  the  promise  of  freedom.  And  the  prom- 
ise, being  made,  must  be  kept.  The  signs  look  better.  The 
Father  of  Waters  again  goes  unvexed  to  the  sea.  Thanks  to 
the  great  North-west  for  it.  Not  yet  wholly  to  them.  Three 
hundred  miles  up  they  met  New  England,  Empire,  Keystone  and 
Jersey,  hewing  their  way  right  and  left.  The  Sunny  South,  too, 
in  more  colors  than  one,  also  lent  a  hand.  On  the  spot  their 
part  of  the  history  was  jotted  down  in  black  and  white.  The 
job  was  a  great  national  one,  and  let  none  be  banned  who  bore 
an  honorable  part  in  it;  and,  while  those  who  have  cleared  the 
gieat  river  may  well  be  proud,  even  that  is  not  all.  It  is  hard 
to  say  that  any  thing  has  been  more  bravely  and  better  done  than 
at  Antietam,  Murfreesboro,  Gettysburg,  and  on  many  fields  of 
less  note.  Nor  must  Uncle  Sain's  webfleet  be  forgotten.  At 
all  the  waters'  margins  they  have  been  present: — not  only  on 
the  deep  sea,  the  broad  bay  and  the  rapid  river,  but  also  up  the 
narrow,  muddy  bayou;  and  wherever  the  ground  was  a  little 
damp  they  have  been  and  made  their  tracks.  Thanks  to  all. 
For  the  great  republic — for  the  principles  by  which  it  lives  and 
keeps  alive — for  man's  vast  future — thanks  to  all.  Peace  does 
not  appear  so  far  distant  as  it  did.  I  hope  it  will  come  soon,  and 
come  to  stay  :  and  so  come  as  to  be  wort  h  the  keepiu.^:  in  all  fut"  it 


148    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHA^I  LINCOLN". 

time.  It  will  then  have  been  proved  that  among  freemen  there 
can  be  no  successful  appeal  from  the  ballot  to  the  bullet,  and 
that  they  who  take  such  appeal  are  sure  to  lose  their  case  and 
pay  the  cost.  And  then  there  will  be  some  black  men  who  can 
remember  that,  with  silent  tongue,  and  clenched  teeth,  and 
steady  eye,  and  well  poised  bayonet,  they  have  helped  mankind 
on  to  this  great  consummation ;  while  1  fear  that  there  will  be 
somo  white  men  unable  to  forget  that  with  malignant  heart  and 
deceitful  speech  they  have  striven  to  hinder  it.  Still  let  us  not 
be  over  sanguine  of  a  speedy  final  triumph.  Let  us  be  quite 
sober.  Let  us  diligently  apply  the  means,  never  doubting  that 
a  just  God,  in  his  own  good  time,  will  give  us  the  rightful  re- 
sult.    Yours  very  truly,  "A.Lincoln." 

Daring  September  and  October,  1863,  the  following 
proclamations  were  published  : 

SUSPENSION    OF    THE     WRIT    OF    HABEAS 
CORPUS    IN     CERTAIN    CASES. 

"  WASHiNGroN,  Sept.  loth,  1863. 

*'  Whereas,  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  has  or- 
dained that  '  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall 
not  be  suspended,  unless  when  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion 
the  public  safety  may  require  it ;'  and 

"  Whereas,  a  rebellion  was  existing  on  the  third  day  of  March, 
1863,  which  rebellion  is  still  existing ;  and 

"  Whereas,  by  a  statute  which  was  approved  on  that  day,  it 
was  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  that  during  the  present 
insurrection  the  President  of  the  United  States,  whenever  in  his 
judgment  the  public  safety  may  require,  is  authorized  to  suspend 
the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  in  any  case  throughout 
the  United  States,  or  any  part  thereof;  and 

"  Wiereas,  in  the  judgment  of  the  President  the  public  safety 
does  require  that  the  privilege  of  the  said  writ  shall  now  be  sus- 
pended throughout  the  United  States  in  cases  where,  by  the  au- 
thority of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  military,  naval  and 
civil  officers  of  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them,  hold  persons 
under  their  command  or  in  their  custody,  cither  as  prisoners  of 
war,  spies,  or  aiders  or  abettors  of  the  enemy,  or  officers,  sol- 
diers, or  seamen  enrolled,  drafted  or  mustered  or  enlisted  in  or 
belonging  to  the  land  or  naval  forces  of  the  United  States,  or  as 
deserters  therefrom,  or  otherwise  amenable  to  military  law,  or  to 
the  Rules  and  Articles  of  War,  or  to  the  rules  and  regulations 
prescribed  for  the  military  or  naval  service  by  the  authority  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  or  for  resisting  a  draft,  or 
for  any  other  offence  agiinst  the  military  or  naval  service  : 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    149 

"  Now,  therefore,  1,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United 
States,  do  hereby  proclaim  and  make  known  to  all  whom  it  may 
cuiici^rn,  that  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  is  sus- 
]>en(led  throughout  the  United  States  in  the  several  cases  before 
mentioned,  and  that  the  suspension  will  continue  throughout  the 
duration  of  the  said  rebellion  ;  or  until  this  proclamation  shall  by 
a  sul)sequent  one,  to  be  issued  by  the  Piesident  of  the  United 
States,  be  moditied  and  revoked.  And  I  do  hereby  require  all 
magistrates,  attorneys  and  oiher  civil  officers  within  the  United 
States,  and  all  officers  and  others  in  the  military  and  naval 
services  of  the  United  States,  to  take  distinct  notice  of  this  sus- 
pension, and  give  it  full  effect;  and  all  citizens  of  the  United 
States  to  conduct  and  govern  themselves  accordingly  and  in  con- 
formity with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  the  laws 
of  Congress  in  such  cases  made  and  provided. 

"  In  testimony  whereof  1  hav«  hereunto  set  my  hand  and 
caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed,  this  fifteenth 
day  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our  I^ord  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  sixty-three,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United 
States  of  America  the  eighty-eighth. 

"  Abraham  Lincoi.n. 

"  By  the  President : 

"  William  H.  Skward,  Secretary  of  Stale." 

NATIONAL    THANKSGIVING    PROCLAMATION. 

"  'IMie  year  that  is  drawing  towards  its  close  has  been  filled  with 
the  blessings  of  fruitful  fields  and  healthful  skies.  To  these 
bounties,  which  are  so  constantly  enjoyed  that  we  are  prone  to 
forget  the  source  from  which  they  come,  others  have  been  added, 
which  are  of  so  extraordinary  a  nature,  that  they  cannot  fail  to 
penetrate  and  .soften  even  the  heart  which  is  habitually  inseusiblo 
to  the  ever  watchful  providence  of  Almighty  Uod. 

•'  In  the  midst  of  a  civil  war  of  unequalled  magnitude  and 
severity,  which  has  sometimes  seemed  to  invite  and  provoke  th« 
aggression  of  foreign  States,  peace  has  been  preserved  with  all 
nations,  order  has  been  maintained,  the  laws  have  been  respected 
and  obeyed,  and  harmony  has  prevailed  everywhere,  except  in 
the  theatre  of  military  conflict ;  while  that  theatre  has  been 
greatly  contracted  by  the  advancing  armies  and  navies  of  the 
Union. 

"The  needful  diversions  of  wealth  and  strength  from  the  fields 
of  peaceful  industry  to  the  national  defence  have  not  arrested 
the  plough,  the  shuttle  or  the  ship.  The  axe  has  enlarged  the 
borders  of  our  settlements,  and  the  mines,  as  well  of  iron  and 
coal  as  of  the  precious  metals,  have  yielded  even  more  abun- 
dantly than  heretofore.  Population  has  steadily  increased,  not- 
withstanding the  waste  that  has  been  made  in  the  camp,  the 
eiege  and  the  battle-field ;  and  the  country,  rejoicing  in  the  con- 


150    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

sequences  of  augmented  strength  and  vigor,  is  permitted  to  ex- 
pect  coutinuance  of  years  with  lar_:e  iucrt-ase  of  freedom. 

"No  human  counsel  hath  devised,  nor  hath  any  mortal  hand 
worked  out  these  great  things.  'I'hey  are  the  gracious  gifts  of 
tlie  Most  High  God,  who,  while  dealing  with  ut;  iu  auger  fur  our 
sins,  hath  neverlhekss  remembered  mercy. 

"  It  has  seemed  to  me  fit  and  proper  that  they  should  be 
solemnly,  reverently  and  gratefully  acknowledged  as  with  one 
heart  and  voice  by  the  whole  American  people;  I  do,  therefore, 
invite  my  fellow-citizens  in  every  part  of  the  United  States,  and 
also  those  who  are  at  sea  and  those  who  are  sojourning  in  foreign 
lands,  to  set  apart  and  observe  the  last  Thursday  of  November 
next  as  a  Day  of  Thanksgiving  and  Prayer  to  our  beneficent 
Father,  who  dwelleth  in  the  heavens.  And  I  recommend  to 
them  that,  while  oifering  up  the  ascriptions  justly  due  to  him  lor 
such  singular  deliverauces  aud  blessings;  they  do  also,  with 
humble  penitence  for  our  national  perveiseness  and  disobedience, 
commend  to  his  tender  care  all  those  who  have  become  widows, 
orphans,  mourners  or  sufferers  in  the  lameiiiable  civil  strife  iu 
which  WG  are  unavoidably  engaged,  and  fervently  implore  the 
interposition  of  the  Almighty  hand  to  heal  the  wounds  of  the 
nation  and  to  restore  it,  as  soon  as  may  be  consistent  with  the 
I)ivine  purposes,  to  the  full  enjoyment  of  ])eace,  hai'iuony,  tran- 
cuillity,  and  union. 

"  In  testimony  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and 
caused  the  seal  of  the  United  Slates  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  city  of  Washington  this  third  day  of  October, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty- 
three,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty- 
eighth.  "AbKAUAM    LiNCOlA. 

■'  By  the  President: 

"William  H.  ^EVfARD,  Seer etari/ of  State." 

We  have  shown,  in  the  first  pages  of  this  volume,  that 
the  early  instruction  of  Abraham  Lincoln  was  of  that  re- 
ligious character  which  could  not  fail  to  have  a  proper 
effect  upon  his  after  life,  and  it  is  not  therefore  surprising 
that  during  his  Presidential  career  he  has  embraced  every 
opportunity  to  publicly  acknowledge  the  source  from 
whence  have  come  all  the  blessings  the  people  of  the 
Union  have  received  during  the  progress  of  the  civil  war; 
and  the  unanimity  with  which  his  numerous  requests  for 
a  general  Thanksgiving  have  been  acquiesced  in,  can  but 
be  gratifying  to  their  author. 


MFB  AND  SBUVICP:S  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.     151 


THREE     HUNDRED     THOUSAND     MORE     MEN 

CALLED     FOR. 

"  Whpreas,  The  term  of  service  of  part  of  the  volunteer  forces 
of  the  United  States  will  expire  during-  the  coming  year;  and 
whereas,  in  addition  to  the  men  raised  by  the  present  draft,  it  is 
deemed  expedient  to  call  out  three  hundred  thousand  volunteers, 
to  serve  for  three  years  or  the  war — not,  however,  exceeding 
three  years. 

"  Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the 
United  States  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy 
thei'eof,  and  of  the  militia  of  the  several  States  when  called  into 
actual  service,  do  issue  this  my  proclamation,  calling  upon  tho 
Governors  of  the  different  States  to  raise  and  have  enlisted  into 
the  United  States  service,  for  the  various  companies  and  regi- 
ments in  the  field  from  their  respective  States,  their  quotas  of 
three  hundred  thousand  men. 

"  I  further  proclaim  that  all  the  volunteers  thus  called  out  and 
duly  enlisted  shall  receive  advance  pay,  premium  and  bounty,  as 
hei-etofore  communicated  to  the  Governors  of  States  by  the 
War  Department,  through  the  Provost  Marshal  General's  office, 
by  special  letters. 

"  1  further  proclaim  that  all  volunteers  received  under  thig 
Ciill.  as  well  as  all  others  not  heretofore  credited,  shall  be  duly 
credited  and  deducted  from  the  quotas  established  for  the  next 
draft. 

*•  J  further  proclaim  that,  if  any  State  shall  fail  to  raise  the 
quota  assigned  to  it  by  the  War  Department  under  this  call ; 
then  a  draft  for  the  deficiency  in  said  quota  shall  be  made  in 
siiid  State,  or  on  the  districts  of  said  State,  for  their  due  pro- 
portion of  said  quota,  and  the  said  draft  shall  commence  on  the 
fifth  day  of  January,  1864. 

"And  I  further  proclaim  that  nothing  in  this  proclamation 
shall  interfere  with  existing  orders,  or  with  those  which  may  be 
issued  for  the  present  draft  in  the  States  where  it  is  now  in  pro- 
gress or  where  it  has  not  yet  been  commenced. 

"The  quotas  of  the  States  and  districts  w'll  be  assigned  by 
the  War  Department,  through  the  Provost  Marshal  General's 
office,  due  regard  being  had  for  the  men  heretofore  furnished, 
whether  by  volunteering  or  drafting,  and  the  recruiting  will  be 
conducted  in  accordance  with  such  iustructious  as  have  been  or 
may  be  issued  by-that  department. 

"In  issuing  this  proclamation  I  address  mjs^lf  not  only  to 
the  Governors  of  the  several  States,  but  also  to  the  good  and 
loyal  people  thereof,  invoking  them  to  lend  their  cheerful,  will- 
ing and  effective  aid  to  the  measures  thus  adopted,  w'th  a  view 
to  reinforce  our  victorious  arujies  now  in  the  field  and  b>ing  our 
needful  military  operations  to  a  prosperous  end,  thus  closing 
forever  the  fountains  of  sedition  and  civil  war. 


'52    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


4i^~J^ 


"  In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  seventeenth  day  of 
October,  in  the  year  of  our  liord   one  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  sixty-three,  and  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States 
the  eighty-eighth.  "Abraham    Lincoln 

"  By  the  President : 

"  Wm.  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State." 

THE   PRESIDENT'S   DEDICATORY  ADDRESS  AT 

GETTYSBURG. 

On  the  nineteenth  of  November,  1863,  the  President  par- 
ticipated in  the  solemn  and  imposing  ceremonies  incident  to 
the  consecration  of  the  National  Cemetery  at  Gettysburg. 
Arriving  in  the  town  on  the  previous  evening,  he  was  the 
recipient  of  a  delightful  serenade,  which  he  acknowledged 
in  a  brief  speecli.  On  the  next  day  he  delivered  the  fol- 
lowing beautiful  Dedicatory  Address  : 

"  Fourscore  and  seven  years  ago  our  fathers  brought  forth 
upon  this  continent  a  new  nation,  conceived  in  Liberty,  and 
dedicated  to  the  proposition  that  all  men  are  created  equal. 
Now  we  are  engaged  in  a  great  civil  war,  tet-ting  whether  that 
nation,  or  any  nation  so  conceived  and  so  dedicated,  can  long 
endure.  We  are  met  on  a  great  battle-field  of  that  war.  We 
are  met  to  dedicate  a  portion  of  it  as  the  final  resting-place  of 
those  who  here  gave  their  lives  that  that  nation  might  live.  It 
is  altogether  fitting  and  proper  that  we  should  do  this. 

"But  in  a  larger  sense  we  cannot  dedicate,  we  cannot  conse- 
crate, we  cannot  hallow  this  ground.  The  brave  men,  living 
and  dead,  who  struggled  here,  have  consecrated  it  far  above  our 
power  to  add  or  detract.  The  world  will  little  note,  nor  long 
remember  what  we  say  here,  but  it  can  never  forget  what  they 
did  here.  It  is  for  us,  the  living,  rather  to  be  dedicated  here  to 
the  unfinished  work  that  they  have  thus  far  so  nobly  carried  on. 
It  is  rather  for  us  to  be  here  dedicated  to  the  great  task  remain- 
ing before  us — that  from  these  honored  dead  we  take  increased 
devotion  to  the  cause  for  which  they  here  gave  the  last  full  mea- 
sure of  devotion, — that  we  here  highly  resolve  that  the  dead  shall 
not  have  died  in  vain,  that  the  nation  shall,  under  God,  have  a 
new  birth  of  freedom,  and  that  the  government  of  the  people,  by 
the  1  eople,  and  fur  the  people,  shall  not  perish  from  the  earth." 

THANKSGIVING  PROCLAMATION. 

On  the  seventh  of  December,  1863,  the  following  recom- 
mendation was  made  to  the  people  of  the  country : 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    l^S 

"  ExKCUTivE  Mansion,  Washington,  Dec.  lih,  1863. — Reliable 
inforiDation  beih^  received  that  the  insurgent  force  is  retreating 
from  East  Tennessee,  under  circumstances  rendering  it  probable 
that  the  Union  forces  cannot  hereafter  be  dislodged  from  that 
important  position,  and  esteeming  this  to  be  of  high  National 
cunsequence,  1  recommend  that  all  loyal  people  do,  on  the  re- 
cei])t  of  this,  informally  assemble  at  their  places  .tl  worship,  and 
render  special  homage  and  gratitude  to  AlnngliLy  God  for  this 
great  advancement  of  the  National  cause.  "A.  Lincoln." 

THE   ANNUAL    MESSAGE    OF    1863— FULL   PAR- 
DON  OFFERED   TO   THE   REBELS. 

On  the  ninth  of  December,  1863,  President  Lincoln  sent 
'into  Congress  his  Annual  Message,  and  never  were  his  wis- 
dom and  moderation  more  satisfactorily  exhibited  than  in 
this  document.  His  review  of  our  foreign  relations  and  the 
operations  of  the  various  departments  of  the  Government 
was  comprehensive  and  clear,  w^iile  on  the  subject  of  the 
rebellion  he  re-affirmed  all  that  he  had  written  in  his  pre- 
vious messages,  and  in  referring  to  the  success  which  had 
attended  the  proclamation  of  emancipation,  he  said  : 
"  While  I  remain  in  my  present  position,  I  shall  n<n  at- 
tempt to  retract  or  modify  the  emancipation  proclamation  ; 
nor  shall  I  return  to  slavery  any  person  who  is  free  by 
tlie  terms  of  that  proclamation,  or  by  any  of  the  acts  of 
Congress." 

Accompanying  the  Message,  was  a  proclamation  offering 
for  the  acceptance  of  the  traitors  a  fair  and  practicable  mode, 
by  which  they  might  return  to  their  allegiance,  and  once 
again  become  loyal  citizens.     It  was  worded  as  follows  : 

^'Wliereas,  In  and  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
it  is  provided  that  the  President  'shall  have  power  to  ffranl  re- 
prieves and  pardons  for  offences  against  the  United  States,  ex- 
cept in  cases  of  impeachment;"  and 

''Whereas,  A  rebellion  now  exists  whereby  the  loyal  State 
governments  of  several  States  have  for  a  long  time  been  sub- 
verted, and  many  persons  have  committed  and  are  now  guilty 
of  troason  against  the  United  States;  and 

'•  Whereas,  With  reference  to  said  rebellion  and  treason,  laws 
have  been  enacted  by  Congress,  declaring  forleitnres  and  con- 


/54     LIFE  AND  SERVICE^  07   ^T^RAHAM  LTNCOLN. 

fiscations  of  property  and  liberatiop  ^f  slaves,  all  upon  terms 
and  conditicjus  therein  stated,  and  al-^o  declaiing-  lliat  the  Presi- 
dent was  thereby  authorized  at  any  time  thereal'ier,  by  proclama- 
tion, to  extend  to  persons  who  may  have  participated  in  the  ex- 
isting- rcb(iliion  in  any  State,  or  part  thereof,  pardon  and  amnesty, 
with  such  exceptions  and  at  such  times  ard  on  such  conditions 
as  lie  may  deem  expedient  for  the  public  welfare  ;  and 

•*  Whereas.  The  Congressional  declaration  for  limited  and 
conditional  ))ardon  accords  with  well-established  judicial  ex- 
position of  the  pardoning"  power;  and 

"  Whereas,  With  reference  to  said  rebellion,  the  President  of 
the  United  States  has  issued  several  proclamation**,  with  pro- 
visions in  regard  to  the  liberation  of  slaves  ;  and 

*'  Whereas,  It  is  now  desired  by  some  persons  here^of<ire  en- 
gaged in  said  rebellion  to  resume  their  allegiance  to  the  United 
States,  and  to  re-inaugurate  loyal  State  governments  within  and 
for  their  respective  States  ; 

*'  Therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United 
States,  do  proclaim,  declare,  and  make  known  to  all  persons 
who  have,  directly  or  by  im])lication,  participated  in  the  exist- 
ing rebellion,  except  as  hereinafter  excepted,  that  a  fui.i-  pardon 
is  hereby  granted  to  them  and  each  of  them,  with  restoration  of 
all  rights  of  property,  except  as  to  slaves,  and  in  proi»erty  cases 
where  rights  of  third  parties  shall  have  intervened,  and  upon  the 
condition  that  every  such  person  shall  take  and  subscribe  an 
oath,  and  thenceforward  keep  and  maintain  said  oath  inviolate  ; 
and  which  oath  shall  be  registered  for  permanent  preservation, 
and  shall  be  of  the  tenor  and  effect  following,  to  wit  : 

"'I .  do  solemnly  swear,  in  presence  of  Almighty  God, 

that  I  will  henceforth  faithfully  support,  protect,  and  defend  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  the  Union  of  the  States 
thereunder;  and  that  I  will,  in  like  manner,  abide  by  and  faith- 
fully support  all  acts  of  Congress  passed  during  the  existing 
rebellion  with  reference  to  slaves,  so  long  and  so  far  as  not  re- 
pealed, modified,  or  held  void  by  Congress,  or  by  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court  ;  and  that  I  will,  in  like  manner,  abide  by  and 
faithfully  support  all  proclamations  of  the  President  made  du- 
ring the  existing  rebellion  having  reference  to  slaves,  so  long 
and  so  far  as  not  modified  or  declared  void  by  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court.     So  help  me  God.' 

"  The  persons  excepted  from  the  benefits  of  the  foregoing 
provisions  are  all  who  are  or  shall  have  been  civil  or  diplomatic 
officers  or  agents  of  the  so-called  Confederate  Government ;  all 
who  have  left  judicial  stations  under  the  United  States  to  aid 
the  rebellion ;  all  who  are  or  shall  have  been  military  or  naval 
officers  of  said  Confederate  Government  above  the  rank  of 
Colonel  in  the  army  or  of  Lieutenant  in  the  navy;  all  who  left 
seats  in  the  United  States  Congress  to  aid  the  rebellion  ;  all 
who  resigned  their  commissions  in  the  army  or  navy  of  the  United 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.     155 

States,  and  afterwards  aided  the  rebeilion,  and  all  who  have  en- 
gaged in  any  way,  in  treating  colored  persons  or  white  persons, 
in  charofc  of  such,  otherwise  than  lawfully,  as  prisoners  of  war, 
and  which  persons  may  be  found  in  the  United  States  service, 
as  soldiers,  seamen,  or  in  any  other  capacity. 

"And  I  do  further  proclaim,  declare,  and  make  known,  that 
whenever,  in  any  of  the  States  of  Arkansas,  Texas,  Louisiana, 
Mississippi.  Tennessee,  Alabama,  Georofia,  Florida,  South  Caro- 
lina, and  North  Carolina,  a  number  of  persons,  not  less  than 
one-tenth  in  number  of  the  votes  cast  in  such  State  at  the  Presi- 
dential election  of  the  year  of  our  Lord  1860,  each  having  taken 
the  oath  aforesaid  and  not  having  since  violated  it,  and  being  a 
qualified  voter  by  the  election  law  of  the  State  existing  imme- 
diately before  the  so-called  act  of  secession,  and  excluding  all 
others,  shall  re-establish  a  State  government  which  shall  be  Re- 
publican, and  in  nowise  contravening  said  oath,  such  shall  be 
recognized  as  the  true  government  of  the  State,  and  the  State 
shall  receive  thereunder  the  benefits  of  the  constitutional  pro- 
vision,  which  declares  that  '  the  United  States  shall  guarantee 
to  every  State  in  this  Union  a  Republican  form  of  government, 
and  shall  protect  each  of  them  against  invasion  ;  and,  on  appli- 
cation of  the  Legislature,  or  the  executive  (when  the  Legisla- 
ture cannot  be  convened),  against  domestic  violence.' 

"And  I  do  further  proclaim,  declare,  and  make  known,  that 
any  provision  which  may  be  adopted  by  such  State  Government 
in  relation  to  the  freed  people  of  such  State,  which  shall  ivcog- 
nize  and  declare  their  permanent  freedom,  provide  for  their 
education,  and  which  may  yet  be  consistent,  as  a  temporary  ar- 
rangement, with  their  present  condition  as  a  laborinu',  landless, 
and  homeless  class,  will  not  be  objected  to  by  the  National 
Executive.  And  it  is  suggested  as  not  improper,  that,  in  con- 
st ructing  a  loyal  State  government  in  any  State,  the  name  of 
the  State,  the  boundary,  the  subdivisions,  the  Constitution,  and 
the  general  code  of  laws,  as  before  the  rebellion,  be  maintained, 
subject  only  to  the  modifications  made  necessary  by  the  condi- 
tions hereinbefore  stated,  and  such  others,  if  any,  not  contra- 
vening said  conditions,  and  which  may  be  deemed  expedient  by 
those  framing  the  new  State  Government. 

"  To  avoid  misunderstanding,  it  may  be  proper  to  say  that  this 
proclamation,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  State  (Tovernm2nts,  has 
no  reference  to  States  wherein  loyal  State  Governments  have 
all  the  while  been  maintained.  And  for  the  same  reason,  it  may 
be  proper  to  further  say,  that  whiCther  members  sent  to  Congress 
from  any  Slate  shall  be  admitted  to  seats  constitutionally,  rests 
exclusively  with  the  respective  Houses,  and  not  to  any  extent 
with  the  Executive;.  And  still  further,  that  this  proclamation 
is  intended  to  present  the  people  of  the  States  wherein  th« 
National  authority  has  been  suspended,  and  loyal  State  Govern- 
merits  have  been  subverted,  a  mode  in  and  by  which  the  Na- 


156     LIFE  ANT)  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

iional  authority  and  loyal  Stato  Governments  may  be  re-estab- 
lished within  said  States,  or  in  any  of  them  ;  and,  while  the 
mode  presented  is  the  best  the  Executive  can  suggest,  with  hig 
present  impressions,  it  must  not  be  understood  that  no  other 
possible  mode  would  be  acceptable. 

"  Given  under  my  hand  at  the  City  of  Washington,  the  eighth 
day  of  December,  A.  D.  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty- 
three,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America 
the  eighty-eighth. 

"  By  the  President :  "  Abraham  Lincoln. 

"  Wm.  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State." 

CALLS    MADE    FOR     SEVEN    HUNDRED 
THOUSAND    MEN. 

Since  the  beginning  of  the  present  year,  1864,  two  orders 
have  been  issued  by  the  President,  with  a  view  of  augment- 
ing the  armies  of  the  Union  to  correspond  with  the  require- 
ments of  the  service.  The  first,  dated  February  first,  is  as 
follows : 

"  Executive  Mansion,  Washington,  February  Ls^,  1864.—^ 
Ordered,  that  a  draft  for  five  hundred  thousand  men,  to  serve 
three  years  or  during  the  war,  be  made  on  the  tenth  of  March 
next,  for  the  military  service  of  the  United  States,  crediting  and 
deducting  therefrom  so  many  as  have  been  enlisted  or  drafted 
into  the  service  prior  to  the  first  day  of  March,  and  not  hereto- 
fore credited. 

"  (Signed)  "Abraham  Lincoln." 

The  other,  dated  March  fourteenth,  was  worded  as  fol- 
lows : 

"Executive  Mansion,  Washington,  March  IMh,  1864. — In 
order  to  supply  the  force  required  to  be  drafted  for  the  navy,  and  to 
provide  an  adequate  reserve  force  for  all  contingencies,  in  additio'a 
to  the  five  hundred  thousand  men  called  for  February  1st,  1864,  the 
call  is  hereby  made,  and  a  draft  ordered  for  two  hundred  thou- 
sand men,  for  the  military  service  of  the  army,  navy,  and  marine 
corps  of  the  United  States.  The  proportionate  quotas  for  the 
different  wards,  towns,  townships,  precincts,  election  districts, 
or  counties  will  be  made  known  through  the  Provo.-t  Marshal 
General's  bureau,  and  account  will  be  taken  of  the  credits  and 
deficiencies  on  former  quotas.  The  15th  day  of  April,  1864,  is 
designated  as  the  time  up  to  which  the  numbers  required  in  each 
ward  of  a  city,  town,  etc.,  may  be  raised  by  voluntary  enlist- 
ment J  and  drafts  will  be  made  in  each  ward  of  a  city,  town, 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.     157 

etc.,  wliicb  shall  not  have  filled  tlie  quota  assigricd  to  it  within 
the  time  dosiirnated  for  tin,'  minibL-r  required  to  fill  the  naid 
quotas.  The  draft  will  be  commenced  as  sooti  after  the  15th  uf 
A])ril  as  practicable.  'I'he  Government  bounties,  as  now  paid, 
will  be  continued  until  April  15th,  1864,  at  which  time  the  ad- 
ditional bounties  cease.  On  and  after  that  date,  one  hundred 
dollars  only  will  be  paid,  as  provided  by  the  act  approved  July 
22ud.  1861.  "Abraham  Liincoln. 

"  Official.  "  E.  D.  TowNSEND,  A.  A.  G.  " 

EXPLANATOIIY  PROCLAMATION. 

On  the  twenty-sixth  of  March,  1864,  the  following  proc- 
lamation, explanatory  of  the  one  issued  on  the  eighth  of 
December,  18G3,  was  published  : 

^'Whereas,  It  has  become  necessary  to  define  the  cases  in 
"which  insurgent  enemies  are  entitled  to  the  benefits  of  the 
Proclamation  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  which  was 
made  on  the  8th  dav  of  December,  18G3.  and  the  manner  in  which 
they  shall  ])roceed  to  avail  themselves  of  these  benefits  ; 

^^Avd  ichereas,  H'he  object  of  that  proclamation  were  to  sup- 
press the  insurrection  and  to  restore  the  authority  of  the  United 
States  ; 

''Avd  ivhcreas,  The  amnesty  therein  proposed  by  the  Presi" 
dent  was  offered  with  reference  to  these  objects  alone ; 

"  Now,  therefore,  1,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United 
States,  do  hereby  proclaim  and  declare  that  the  said  proclama- 
tion does  not  apply  to  the  cases  of  persons  who,  at  the  time  when 
they  seek  to  obtain  the  benefits  thereof,  by  taking  the  oath  thereby 
prescribed,  are  in  military,  naval  or  civil  confinement  or  custody, 
or  under  bonds  or  on  parole  of  the  civil,  military  or  naval  au- 
thorities or  agents  of  the  United  States,  as  prisoners  of  war,  or 
persons  detained  for  offences  of  any  kind,  either  before  or  after 
conviction  ;  and  that  on  the  contrary,  it  does  apply  only  to  those 
persons  who,  being  at  large  and  free  from  any  arrest,  confine, 
ment  or  duress,  shall  voluntarily  come  forward  and  take  the  said 
oath,  with  the  purpose  of  restoring  peace  and  establishing  the 
national  authority. 

"Prisoners  excluded  from  the  amnesty  offered  in  the  said 
proclamation  may  apply  to  the  President  for  clemency,  like  all 
other  offenders,  and  their  application  will  receive  due  con- 
sideration. 

"  1  do  further  declare  and  proclaim  that  the  oath  prescribed 
in  the  aforesaid  proclamation  of  tlie  8th  of  December,  1863, 
may  be  taken  and  siibsciibed  to  before  any  commanding  officer, 
civil,  military  or  naval,  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  or 
any  civil  or  military  officer  of  a  State  or  territory  not  in  insur- 
rection, who,  by  the  laws  thereof,  may  be  qualified  for  adminis- 
tering oaths. 


158    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"All  officers  who  receive  sucb  oaths  are  hereby  authorized  to 
give  certificatts  thereon  to  the  persons  respectively  by  whom 
they  are  made,  and  such  officers  are  hereby  required  to  transmit 
the  origiual  records  of  such  oaths  at  as  early  a  day  as  may  be 
convenient  to  the  Department  of  State,  where  they  will  be  de- 
posited and  remain  in  the  archives  of  the  government. 

"  The  Secretary  of  State  will  keep  a  register  thereof,  and  will, 
on  application,  in  proper  cases,  issue  certificates  of  such  records 
in  the  customary  form  of  official  certificates. 

"  In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and 
caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  the  twenty-sixth  day  of 
March,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  sixty-four,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States 
the  eigbtj'-eighth. 

"  By  the  President :  "A^.aaham  Lincoln. 

"  Wm.  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  Sta/.e." 

REVIEW  OP  THE  PRESIDENT'S  POLICY. 

In  the  number  of  the  North  American  Review  for 
Januarys  18(14,  a  most  able  article  was  published,  rcview- 
in«r  the  policy  of  President  Lincoln,  and  from  it  we  make 
the  following  extracts  : 

" '  Bare  is  back,'  says  the  Norse  proverb,  *  without 
brother  behind  it;'  and  this  is,  by  analogy,  true  of  an 
elective  magistracy.  The  hereditary  ruler  in  any  critical 
emergency  may  reckon  on  the  inexhaustible  resources  of 
prestige,  of  sentiment,  of  superstition,  of  dependent  inter- 
est, while  the  new  man  must  slowly  and  painfully  create 
all  these  out  of  the  unwilling  material  around  him,  by 
superiority  of  character,  by  patient  singleness  of  purpose, 
by  sagacious  presentiment  of  popular  tendencies  and  in- 
stinctive sympath}^  with  the  national  character.  Mr.  Lin- 
coln's task  was  one  of  peculiar  and  exceptional  difficulty. 
Long  habit  had  accustomed  the  American  people  to  the 
notion  of  a  party  in  power,  and  of  a  President  as  its  crea- 
ture and  organ,  while  the  more  vital  fact,  that  the  execu- 
tive for  the  time  being  represents  the  abstract  idea  of 
government  as  a  permanent  principle  superior  to  all  party 
and  all  private  interest,  had  gradually  become  unfamiliar 
They   had  so  long  aeen  the  public  policy  more  or  less 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    159 

oirected  by  views  of  party,  and  often  even  of  personal  ad- 
vantage, as  to  be  ready  to  suspect  tlie  motives  of  a  chief 
magistrate  compelled,  for  the  first  time  in  our  history,  to 
feel  himself  the  head  and  hand  of  a  great  nation,  and  to  act 
upon  the  fundamental  maxim,  laid  down  by  all  publicists, 
that  the  first  duty  of  a  government  is  to  defend  and  main- 
tain its  own  existence.  Accordingly,  a  i)owerful  weapon 
seemed  to  be  put  into  the  hands  of  the  opposition  by  the 
necessity  under  which  the  administration  found  itself  of 
applying  this  old  truth  to  new  relations.  They  were  not 
slow  in  turning  it  to  use,  but  the  patriotism  and  common- 
sense  of  the  people  were  more  than  a  match  for  any 
sophistry  of  mere  party.  The  radical  mistake  of  the  lead- 
ers of  the  opposition  was  in  forgetting  that  they  had  a 
country,  and  expecting  a  similar  obliviousness  on  the  part 
of  the  people.  In  the  undisturbed  possession  of  office  for 
so  many  years,  they  had  come  to  consider  the  government 
as  a  kind  of  public  Gift  Enterprise  conducted  by  them- 
selves, and  whose  profits  were  nominally  to  be  shared 
among  the  holders  of  their  tickets,  though  all  the  prizes 
had  a  trick  of  falling  to  the  lot  of  the  managers.  Amid 
the  tumult  of  war,  when  the  life  of  the  nation  was  at  stake, 
when  the  principles  of  despotism  and  freedom  were  grap- 
pling in  deadly  conflict,  they  had  no  higher  conception  of 
the  crisis  than  such  as  would  serve  the  purpose  of  a  con- 
tested election  ;  no  thought  but  of  advertising  the  tickets 
for  the  next  drawing  of  that  private  speculation  which 
they  miscalled  the  Democratic  party,  l^ut  they  were  too 
little  in  sympathy  with  the  American  people  to  under- 
stand them,  or  the  motives  by  which  they  were  governed. 
It  became  more  and  more  clear  that,  in  embarrassing  the 
administration,  their  design  was  to  cripple  the  country ; 
that,  by  a  strict  construction  of  the  Constitution,  they 
meant  nothing  more  than  the  locking  up  of  the  only 
arsenal  whence  effective  arms  could  be  drawn  to  defend  the 
nation  Fortunately,  insincerity  by  its  very  nature,  by 
10 


160    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

its  necessary  want  of  conviction,  must  ere  long;  betray 
itself  by  its  inconsistencies.  It  was  hard  to  believe  that 
men  had  any  real  horror  of  sectional  war,  who  were  busy 
in  fomenting:  jealousies  between  East  and  West ;  that  they 
could  be  in  favor  of  a  war  for  the  Union  as  it  was,  who 
were  for  accepting  the  violent  amendments  of  Rebellion; 
that  they  could  be  heartily  opposed  to  insurrection  in  the 
South,  who  threatened  government  with  forcible  resistance 
in  the  North  ;  or  that  they  were  humanely  anxious  to  stay 
the  effusion  of  blood,  who  did  not  scruple  to  stir  up  the 
mob  of  our  chief  city  to  murder  and  arson,  and  to  compli- 
ment the  patriotism  of  assassins  with  arms  in  their  hands. 
Believers,  if  they  believed  any  thing,  in  the  divine  right 
of  Sham,  they  brought  the  petty  engineering  of  the  caucus 
to  cope  with  the  resistless  march  of  events,  and  hoped  to 
stay  the  st'^ady  drift  of  the  nation's  purpose,  always  set- 
ting deeper  and  stronger  in  one  direction,  with  the  scoop- 
nets  that  had  served  their  turn  so  well  in  dipping  fish  from 
the  turbid  eddies  of  politics.  They  have  given  an  example 
of  the  shortest  and  easiest  way  of  reducing  a  great  party 
to  an  inconsidera1)le  faction. 

"  The  change  which  three  years  have  brought  about,  is 
too  remarkable  to  be  passed  over  without  comment — too 
weighty  in  its  lesson  not  to  be  laid  to  heart.  Never  did 
a  President  enter  upon  office  with  less  means  at  his  com- 
mand, outside  his  own  strength  of  heart  and  steadiness  of 
understanding,  for  inspiring  confidence  in  the  people,  and 
so  winning  it  for  himself,  than  Mr.  Lincoln.  All  that  was 
known  of  him  was  that  he  was  a  good  stump-speaker, 
nominated  for  his  availability — that  is,  because  he  had  no 
history — and  chosen  by  a  party  with  whose  more  extreme 
opin  3ns  he  was  not  in  sympathy.  It  might  well  be  feared 
that  I  man  past  fifty,  against  whom  the  ingenuity  of  hos- 
tile partisans  could  rake  up  no  accusation,  must  be  lacking 
in   manliness   of  character,  in  decision  of  principle,  in 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    161 

strength  of  will, — that  a  man  who  was  at  best  only  the 
representative  of  a  party,  and  who  yet  did  not  fairly  re- 
l>resent  even  that — would  fail  of  political,  much  more  of 
popular  support.  And  certainly  no  one  ever  entered  upon 
office  with  so  few  resources  of  power  in  the  past,  and  so 
many  materials  of  weakness  in  the  present,  as  Mr.  Lin- 
coln. Even  in  that  half  of  the  Union  which  acknowledged 
him  as  President,  there  was  a  large,  and  at  that  time  dan- 
gerous minority,  that  hardly  adruitted  his  claim  to  the 
office,  and  even  in  the  party  that  elected  him  there  was 
also  a  large  minority  that  suspected  him  of  being  secretly 
a  communicant  with  the  church  of  Laodicea.  All  that  he 
did  was  sure  to  be  virulently  attacked  as  ultra  by  one  side ; 
alhthat  he  left  undone,  to  be  stigmatized  as  proof  of  luke- 
warmness  and  backsliding  by  the  other.  Meanwhile  he 
was  to  carry  on  a  truly  colossal  war  by  means  of  both  ;  he 
was  to  disengage  the  country  from  diplomatic  entangle- 
ments of  unprecedented  peril  undisturbed  by  the  help  or 
the  hinderance  of  either,  and  to  win  from  the  crowning 
dangers  of  his  administration,  in  the  confidence  of  the 
people,  the  means  of  his  safety  and  their  own.  He  has 
contrived  to  do  it,  and  perhaps  none  of  our  Presidents 
since  Washington  has  stood  so  firm  in  the  confidence  of 
the  people  as  he  does  after  three  years  of  stormy  admin- 
istration. 

"  Mr.  Lincoln's  policy  was  a  tentative  one,  and  rightly 
so.  He  laid  down  no  programme  which  must  compel 
bim  to  be  either  inconsistent  or  unwise — no  cast-iron 
theorem  to  which  circumstances  must  be  fitted  as  they 
rose,  or  else  be  useless  to  his  ends.  He  seemed  to  have 
chosen  Mazarin's  motto,  Le  temps  ef  moi.  The  moi,  to 
be  sure,  was  not  very  prominent  at  first ;  but  it  has  grown 
more  and  more  so,  till  the  world  is  beginning  to  be  per- 
suaded that  it  stands  for  a  character  of  marked  individu- 
ality and  capacity  for  affairs.     Time  was  his  prime-min- 


162    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ister,  and,  we  began  to  think  at  one  period,  his  general- 
in-chief  also.  At  first  he  was  so  slow  that  he  tired  out 
all  those  who  see  no  evidence  of  progress  but  in  blowing 
up  the  engine  ;  then  he  was  so  fast,  that  he  took  the 
breath  away  from  those  who  think  there  is  no  getting  on 
safely  while  there  is  a  spark  of  fire  under  the  boilers.  God 
is  the  only  being  who  has  time  enough  ;  but  a  prudent 
man,  who  knows  how  to  seize  occasion,  can  commonly 
make  a  shift  to  find  as  much  as  ho  needs.  Mr.  Lincoln, 
as  it  seems  to  us  in  reviewing  his  career,  though  we  have 
sometimes  in  our  impatieilce  thought  otherwise,  has  al- 
ways waited,  as  a  wise  man  should,  till  the  right  moment 
brought  up  all  his  reserves.  Semper  nocuit  differre  pnr- 
atis  is  a  sound  axiom,  but  the  really  efficacious  man  will 
also  be  sure  to  know  when  he  is  not  ready,  and  be  firm 
against  all  persuasion  and  reproach  till  he  is. 

"  One  would  be  apt  to  think,  from  some  of  the  criticisms 
made  on  Mr,  Lincoln's  course  by  those  who  mainly  agree 
with  him  in  principle,  that  the  chief  object  of  a  statesman 
should  be  rather  to  proclaim  his  adhesion  to  certain  doc- 
trines than  to  achieve  their  triumph  by  quietly  accom- 
plishing his  ends.  In  our  opinion,  there  is  no  more  unsafe 
politician  than  a  conscientiously  rigid  doctrinaire,  nothing 
more  sure  to  end  in  disaster  than  a  theoretic  scheme  of 
policy  that  admits  of  no  pliability  for  contingencies.  True, 
there  is  a  popular  image  of  an  impossible  He,  in  whose 
plastic  hands  the  submissive  destinies  of  mankind  become 
as  wax,  and  to  whose  commanding  necessity  the  toughest 
facts  yield  with  the  graceful  pliancy  of  fiction  ;  but  in  real 
life  we  commonly  find  that  the  men  who  control  circum- 
stances, as  it  is  called,  are  those  who  have  learned  to 
allow  for  the  influence  of  their  eddies,  and  have  the  nerve 
to  turn  them  to  account  at  the  happy  instant.  Mr.  Lin- 
coln's perilous  task  has  been  to  carry  a  rather  shackly 
raft  through  the  rapids,  making  fast  the  unrulier  logs  as 


# 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.     163 

he  could  snatch  opportunity ;  and  the  country  is  to  be 
congratulated  that  he  did  not  think  it  his  duty  to  run 
straight  at  all  hazards,  but  cautiously  to  assure  himself 
with  his  setting-pole  where  the  main  current  was,  and 
keep  steadily  to  that.  He  is  still  in  wild  water,  but  we 
have  faith  that  his  skill  and  sureness  of  eye  will  bring  him 
out  right  at  last. 

"  A  curious,  and,  as  we  think,  not  inapt  parallel  might 
be  drawn  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  one  of  the  most 
striking  figures  in  modern  history — Henry  lY.  of  France. 
The  career  of  the  latter  may  be  more  picturesque,  as  thai 
of  a  daring  captain  always  is  ;  bQt,  in  all  its  vicissitudes, 
there  is  nothing  more  romantic  than  that  sudden  change, 
as  by  a  rub  of  Aladdin's  lamp,  from  the  attorney's  office 
in  a  country  town  of  Illinois  to  the  helm  of  a  great  nation 
in  times  like  these.  The  analogy  between  the  characters 
and  circumstances  of  the  two  men  is,  in  many  respects, 
singularly  close.  Succeeding  to  a  rebellion  rather  than  a 
crown,  Henry's  chief  material  dependence  was  the  Hugue- 
not party,  whose  doctrines  sat  upon  him  with  a  looseness 
distasteful  certainly,  if  not  suspicious,  to  the  more  fanati- 
cal among  them.  King  only  in  name  over  the  greater 
part  of  France,  and  with  his  capital  barred  against  hino, 
it  yet  gradually  became  clear  to  the  more  far-seeing  even 
of  the  Catholic  party,  that  he  was  the  only  centre  of  order 
and  legitimate  authority  round  which  France  could  re- 
organize itself.  While  preachers  who  held  the  divine 
right  of  kings  made  the  churches  of  Paris  ring  with  decla- 
mations in  favor  of  democracy  rather  than  submit  to  the 
heretic  dog  of  a  Bearnois — much  as  our  soi-disant  Demo- 
crats have  lately  been  preaching  the  divine  right  of 
slavery,  and  denouncing  the  Ijeresies  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence — Henry  bore  both  parties  in  hand  till  he 
was  convinced  that  only  one  course  of  action  could  pos- 
sibly combine   his   own  interests   and  those  of  France 


164    LIFE  A]SiD  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LIXCOLN. 

Meanwhile  the  Protestants  believed  somewhat  doubtfully 
that  he  was  theirs,  the  Catholics  hoped  somewhat  doubt- 
fully that  he  would  be  theirs,  and  Henry  himself  turned 
aside  remonstrance,  advice,  and  curiosity  alike  with  a 
jest  or  a  proverb,  (if  a  little  high,  he  liked  them  none  the 
worse,)  joking  continually,  as  his  manner  was.  We  have 
seen  Mr.  Lincoln  contemptuously  compared  to  Sancho 
Panza  by  persons  incapable  of  appreciating  one  of  the 
deepest  pieces  of  wisdom  in  the  profoundest  romance  ever 
written — namely,  that,  while  Don  Quixote  was  incompa- 
rable in  theoretic  and  ideal  statesmanship,  Sancho,  with 
his  stock  of  proverbs,  the  ready-money  of  human  experi- 
ence, made  the  best  possible  practical  governor.  Henry 
IV.  was  as  full  of  wise  saws  and  modern  instances  as  Mr. 
Lincoln,  but  beneath  all  this  was  the  thoughtful,  practi- 
cal, humane,  and  thoroughly  earnest  man,  around  whom 
the  frngments  of  France  were  to  gather  themselves  till 
she  took  her  place  again  as  a  planet  of  the  first  magnitude 
in  the  European  system.  In  one  respect  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
more  fortunate  than  Henry.  However  some  may  think 
him  wanting  in  zeal,  the  most  fanatical  can  find  no  taint 
of  apostasy  in  any  measure  of  his,  nor  can  the  most  bitter 
charge  him  with  being  influenced  by  motives  of  personal 
interest.  The  leading  distinction  between  the  policies  of 
the  two  is  one  of  circumstances.  Henry  went  over  to 
the  nation  ;  Mr.  Lincoln  has  steadily  drawn  the  nation 
over  to  him.  One  left  a  united  France  ;  the  other,  we 
hope  and  believe,  will  leave  a  re-united  America.  We 
leave  our  readers  to  trace  the  further  points  of  diS'erence 
and  resemblance  for  themselves,  merely  suggesting  a  gen- 
eral similarity  which  has  often  occurred  to  us.  One  only 
point  of  melancholy  interest  we  will  allow  ourselves  to. 
touch  upon.  That  Mr,  Lincoln  is  not  handsome  nor  ele- 
gant, we  learn  from  certain  English  tourists  who  would 
consider  similar  revelations  in  regard  to  Queen  Victoria 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    165 

as  thoroughly  American  in  their  want  of  hienseance.  It 
is  no  concern  of  ours,  nor  does  it  affect  his  fitness  for  the 
high  place  he  so  worthily  occupies ;  but  he  is  certainly 
AS  fortunate  as  Henry  in  the  matter  of  good  looks,  if  we 
may  trust  contemporary  evidence.  Mr.  Lincoln  has  also 
been  reproached  with  Americanism  by  some  not  unfriendly 
British  critics  ;  but,  with  all  deference,  we  cannot  say 
ihat  we  like  him  any  the  worse  for  it,  or  see  in  it  any 
t'eason  why  he  should  govern  Americans  the  less  wisely. 

"  The  most  perplexing  complications  that  Mr.  Lincoln's 
government  has  had  to  deal  with  have  been  the  danger 
of  rupture  with  the  two  leading  commercial  countries  of 
Europe,  and  the  treatment  of  the  slavery  question.  In 
regard  to  the  former,  the  peril  may  be  considered  as 
nearly  past,  and  the  latter  has  been  withdrawing  steadily, 
ever  since  the  war  began,  from  the  noisy  debating-ground 
of  faction  to  the  quieter  region  of  practical  solution  by 
convincingness  of  facts  and  consequent  advance  of  opinion 
which  we  are  content  to  call  Fate. 

*'  Even  so  long  ago  as  when  Mr.  Lincoln,  not  yet  con- 
vinced of  the  danger  and  magnitude  of  the  crisis,  was  en- 
deavoring to  persuade  himself  of  Union  majorities  at  the 
South,  and  to  carry  on  a  war  that  was  half  peace  in  the 
hope  of  a  peace  that  would  have  been  all  war, — while  he 
was  still  enforcing  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  under  some 
theory  that  Secession,  however  it  might  absolve  States 
from  their  obligations,  could  not  escheat  them  of  their 
claims  under  the  Constitution,  and  that  slaveholders  in 
rebellion  had  alone  among  mortals  the  privilege  of  having 
their  cake  and  eating  it  at  the  same  time, — the  enemies  of 
free  government  were  striving  to  persuade  the  people 
that  the  war  was  an  Abolition  crusade.  To  rebel  with- 
out reason  was  proclaimed  as  one  of  the  rights  of  man, 
while  it  was  carefully  kept  out  of  sight  that  to  suppress 
rebellion  is  the  first  duty  of  government.     All  the  evils 


166     LIFE  AND  SERVICKS  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

that  have  come  upon  the  country  have  beon  attributed  to 
the  Abolitionists,  though  it  is  hard  to  see  how  any  party 
can  become  permanently  powerful  except  in  one  of  tw^o 
ways, — either  by  the  greater  truth  of  its  principles,  or  the 
extravagance  of  the  party  opposed  to  it.  To  fancy  the 
ship  of  state,  riding  safe  at  her  coiistitutional  moorings, 
suddenly  engulfed  by  a  huge  kraken  of  Abolitionism, 
rising  fi'oni  unknown  depths  and  grasping  it  with  slimy 
tentacles,  is  to  look  at  the  natural  history  of  the  matter 
with  the  eyes  of  Pontoppidan.  To  believe  that  the 
leaders  in  the  Southern  treason  feared  any  danger  from 
Abolitionism,  would  be  to  deny  them  ordinary  intelli- 
gence, though  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  they  mado 
use  of  it  to  stir  the  passions  and  excite  the  fears  of  theii 
deluded  accomplices.  They  rebelled,  not  because  they 
thought  slavery  weak,  but  because  they  believed  it  strong 
enough,  not  to  overthrow  the  government,  but  to  get  pos- 
session of  it ;  for  it  becomes  daily  clearer  that  they  used 
rebellion  only  as  a  means  of  revolution,  and  if  they  got 
revolution,  though  not  in  the  shape  they  looked  for,  is  the 
American  people  to  save  them  from  its  consequences  at 
the  cost  of  its  own  existence  ?  The  election  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, which  it  was  clearly  in  their  power  to  prevent  had 
tliey  wished,  was  the  occasion  merely,  and  not  the  cause, 
of  their  revolt.  Abolitionism,  till  within  a  year  or  two, 
was  the  despised  heresy  of  a  few  earnest  persons,  without 
political  weight  enough  to  carry  the  election  of  a  parish 
constable  ;  and  their  cardinal  principle  was  disunion,  be- 
cause they  were  convinced  that  within  the  Union  the 
position  of  slavery  was  impregnable.  In  spite  of  the 
pioverb,  great  effects  do  not  follow  from  small  causes,— 
that  is,  disproportionately  small, — but  from  i^dequate 
causes  acting  under  certain  required  conditions.  To  con- 
trast the  size  of  the  oak  with  that  of  the  parent  acorn,  ag 
if  the  poor  seed  had  paid  all  costs  from  its  slender  strong 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.     167 

box,  may  serve  for  a  child's  wonder ;  but  the  real  miracle 
lies  in  that  divine  league  which  bound  all  the  forces  of 
nature  to  the  service  of  the  tiny  germ  in  fulfilling  its 
destiny.  Every  thing  has  been  at  work  for  the  past  ten 
years  in  the  cause  of  autislavery,  but  Garrison  and 
Phillips  have  been  far  less  successful  propagandists  than 
the  slaveholders  themselves,  with  the  constantly-growing 
arrogance  of  their  pretensions  and  encroachments.  They 
have  forced  the  question  upon  the  attention  of  every  voter 
in  the  Free  States,  by  defiantly  putting  freedom  and  de- 
mocracy on  the  defensive.  But,  even  after  the  Kansas 
outrages,  there  was  no  wide-spread  desire  on  the  part  of 
the  North  to  commit  aggressions,  though  there  was  a 
growing  determination  to  resist  them.  The  popular 
unanimity  in  favor  of  the  war  three  years  ago  was  but  in 
small  measure  the  result  of  antislavery  sentiment,  far  less 
of  any  zeal  for  abolition.  But  every  month  of  the  war, 
every  movement  of  the  allies  of  slavery  in  the  Free 
States,  has  been  making  Abolitionists  by  the  thousands. 
The  masses  of  any  people,  however  intelligent,  are  very 
little  moved  by  abstract  principles  of  humanity  and  jus- 
tice, until  those  principles  are  interpreted  for  them  by  the 
stinging  commentary  of  some  infringement  upon  their  own 
rights,  and  then  their  instincts  and  passions,  once  aroused, 
do  indeed  derive  an  incalculable  reinforcement  of  impulse 
and  intensity  from  those  higher  ideas,  those  sublime  tra- 
ditions, which  have  no  motive  political  force  till  they  are 
allied  with  a  sense  of  immediate  personal  wrong  or  im- 
minent peril.  Then  at  last  the  stars  in  their  courses  be- 
gin to  fight  against  Sisera.  Had  any  one  doubted  before 
that  the  rights  of  human  nature  are  unitary,  that  oppres- 
sion is  of  one  hue  the  world  over,  no  matter  what  the 
color  of  the  oppressed,. — had  any  one  failed  to  see  what 
the  real  essence  of  the  contest  was, — the  eftbrts  of  the  ad- 
vocates of  slavery  among  ourselves  to  throw  discredit  upon 


168    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

the  fundamental  axioms  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
and  the  radical  doctrines  of  Christianity,  could  not  fail  to 
sharpen  his  eyes.  This  quarrel,  it  is  plain,  is  not  between 
Northern  fanaticism  and  Southern  institutions,  but  be- 
tween downright  slavery  and  upright  freedom,  between 
despotism  and  democracy,  between  the  Old  World  and 
the  New. 

''  The  progress  of  three  years  has  outstripped  the  ex- 
pectation of  the  most  sanguine,  and  that  of  our  arms, 
great  as  it  undoubtedly  is,  is  trifling  in  comparison  with 
the  advance  of  opinion.  The  great  strength  of  slavery 
was  a  superstition,  which  is  fast  losing  its  hold  on  the 
public  mind.  When  it  was  first  proposed  to  raise  negro 
regiments,  there  were  many  even  patriotic  men  who  felt 
as  the  West  Saxons  did  at  seeing  their  high  priest  hurl 
his  lance  against  the  temple  of  their  idol.  They  were  sure 
something  terrible,  they  knew  not  what,  would  follow. 
But  the  earth  stood  firm,  the  heavens  gave  no  sign,  and 
presently  they  joined  in  making  a  bonfire  of  their  bugbear. 
That  we  should  employ  the  material  of  the  rebellion  for  its 
own  destruction,  seems  now  the  merest  truism.  In  the  same 
way  men's  minds  are  growing  wonted  to  the  thought  of 
emancipation  ;  and  great  as  are  the  difficulties  which  must 
necessarily  accompany  and  follow  so  vast  a  measure,  we 
have  no  doubt  that  they  will  be  successfully  overcome. 
The  point  of  interest  and  importance  is,  that  the  feeling  of 
our  country  in  regard  to  slavery  is  no  whim  of  sentiment, 
but  a  settled  conviction,  and  that  the  tendency  of  opinion 
is  unmistakably  and  irrevocably  in  one  direction,  no  less 
in  the  Border  Slave  States  than  in  the  Free.  The  chances 
of  the  war,  which  at  one  time  seemed  against  us,  are  now 
greatly  in  our  favor.  The  nation  is  more  thoroughly 
united  against  any  shameful  or  illusory  peace  than  it  ever 
was  on  any  otherquestion,  and  the  very  extent  of  the  ter- 
ritory to  be  subdued,  which  was  the  most  serious  cause  of 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    169 

misgiving,  is  no  longer  an  element  of  strength,  but  of  dis- 
integration, to  the  conspiracy.  The  Rebel  leaders  can 
make  no  concessions  ;  the  country  is  unanimously  resolved 
that  the  war  shall  be  prosecuted,  at  whatever  cost ;  and  if 
the  war  go  on,  will  it  leave  slavery  with  any  formidable 
strength  in  the  South  ?  and  without  that,  need  there  be  any 
fear  of  effective  opposition  in  the  North  ? 

"  While  every  day  was  bringing  the  people  nearer  to  the 
conclusion  which  all  thinking  men  saw  to  be  inevitable 
from  the  beginning,  it  was  wise  in  Mr.  Lincoln  to  leave 
the  shaping  of  his  policy  to  events.  In  this  country, 
where  the  rough  and  ready  understanding  of  the  people 
is  sure  at  last  to  be  the  controlling  power,  a  profound 
common-sense  is  the  best  genius  for  statesmanship. 
Hitherto  the  wisdom  of  the  President's  measures  has 
been  justified  by  the  fact  that  they  have  always  resulted 
in  more  firmly  uniting  public  opinion.  It  is  a  curious 
comment  on  the  sincerity  of  political  professions,  that  the 
party  calling  itself  Democratic  should  have  been  the  last 
to  recognize  the  real  movement  and  tendency  of  the 
popular  mind.  The  same  gentlemen  who  two  years  ago 
were  introducing  resolutions  in  Congress  against  coercion, 
are  introducing  them  now  in  favor  of  the  war,  but  against 
subjugation.  Next  year  they  may  be  in  favor  of  emanci- 
pation, but  against  abolition.  It  does  not  seem  to  have 
occurred  to  them  that  the  one  point  of  difference  between 
a  civil  and  a  foreign  war  is,  that  in  the  former,  one  of  the 
I)arties  must  by  the  very  nature  of  the  case  be  put  down, 
and  the  other  left  in  possession  of  the  government.  Un- 
less the  country  is  to  be  divided,  no  compromise  is  possible, 
and,  if  one  side  must  yield,  shall  it  be  the  nation  or  the 
conspirators  ?  A  government  may  make,  and  any  wise 
government  would  make,  concessions  to  men  who  have 
risen  against  real  grievances  ;  but  to  make  them  in  favor 
of  a  rebellion  that  had  no  juster  cause  than  the  personal 


170    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ambition  of  a  few  bad  men,  would  be  to  abdicate. 
Southern  politicians,  however,  hav^e  always  been  so 
dexterous  in  drawing  nice  distinctions,  that  they  may 
find  some  consolation  inappreciable  by  obtuser  minds  in 
being  coerced  instead  of  subjugated. 

"  If  Mr.  Lincoln  continue  to  act  with  the  firmness  and 
prudence  which  have  hitherto  distinguished  him,  we  think 
he  has  little  to  fear  from  the  efforts  of  the  opposition. 
Men  without  sincere  convictions  are  hardly  likely  to  have 
a  well-defined  and  settled  policy,  and  the  blunders  they 
have  hitherto  committed  must  make  them  cautious.  If 
their  personal  hostility  to  the  President  be  unabated,  we 
may  safely  count  on  their  leniency  to  the  opinion  of 
majorities,  and  the  drift  of  public  sentiment  is  too  strong 
to  be  mistaken.  They  have  at  last  discovered  that  there 
is  such  a  thing  as  Country,  which  has  a  meaning  for 
men's  minds  and  a  hold  upon  their  hearts;  they  may 
make  the  further  discovery,  that  this  is  a  revolution  that 
has  been  forced  on  us,  and  not  merely  a  civil  war.  In 
any  event,  an  opposition  is  a  wholesome  thing ;  and  we 
are  only  sorry  that  this  is  not  a  more  wholesome  opposi- 
tion. 

"  We  believe  it  is  the  general  judgment  of  the  country 
on  the  acts  of  the  present  administration,  that  they  have 
been,  in  the  main,  judicious  and  well-timed.  The  only 
doubt  about  some  of  them  seems  to  be  as  to  their  con- 
stitutionality. It  has  been  sometimes  objected  to  our 
form  of  government,  that  it  was  faulty  in  having  a  writ- 
ten constitution  which  could  not  adapt  itself  to  the  needs 
of  the  time  as  they  arose.  But  we  think  it  rather  a 
theoretic  than  a  practical  objection  ;  for  in  point  of 
fact  there  has  been  hardly  a  leading  measure  of  any 
administration  that  has  not  been  attacked  as  uncon- 
stitutional, and  which  was  not  carried  nevertheless. 
Purchase  of  Louisiana,  Embargo,  Removal  of  the  De- 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.     171 

posits,  Annexation  of  Texas,  not  to  speak  of  others  loss 
important, — on  the  unconstitutionality  of  all  these,  power- 
ful parties  have  appealed  to  the  country,  and  invariably 
the  decision  has  been  against  them.  The  will  of  the 
people  for  the  time  being  has  always  carried  it.  In  the 
present  instance,  we  purposely  refrain  from  any  allusion 
to  the  moral  aspects  of  the  question.  We  prefer  to  leave 
the  issue  to  experience  and  common-sense.  Has  any  sane 
man  ever  doubted  on  which  side  the  chances  were  in  this 
contest?  Can  anv  sane  man  who  has  watched  the  steadv 
advances  of  opinion,  forced  onward  slowly  by  the  im- 
mitigable logic  of  facts,  doubt  what  the  decision  of  the 
people  will  be  in  this  matter  ?  The  Southern  conspira- 
tors have  played  a  desperate  stake,  and,  if  they  had  won, 
would  have  bent  the  whole  policy  of  the  country  to  the 
interests  of  slavery.  Filibustering  would  have  been 
nationalized,  and  the  slave-trade  re-established  as  the  most 
beneficent  form  of  missionary  enterprise.  But  if  they 
lose  ?  They  have,  of  their  own  choice,  put  the  chance 
into  our  hands  of  making  this  continent  the  empire  of  a 
great  homogeneous  population,  substantially  one  in  race, 
language,  and  religion, — the  most  prosperous  and  power- 
ful of  nations.  Is  there  a  doubt  what  the  decision  of  a 
victorious  people  will  be  ?  If  we  were  base  enough  to 
decline  the  great  commission  which  Destiny  lays  on  us, 
should  we  not  deserve  to  be  ranked  with  those  dastards 
whom  the  stern  Florentine  condemns  as  hateful  alike  to 
God  and  God's  enemies  ? 

"We  would  not  be  understood  as  speaking  lightly  of  the 
respect  due  to  constitutional  forms,  all  the  more  essential 
under  a  government  like  ours  and  in  times  like  these.  But 
where  undue  respect  for  the  form  will  lose  us  the  substance, 
and  where  the  substance,  as  in  this  case,  is  nothing  less 
than  the  country  itself,  to  be  over-scrupulous  would  be 
unwise.     Who  are  most  tender  in  their  solicitude  that  we 


172    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

keep  sacred  the  letter  of  the  law,  in  order  that  its  spirit 
may  not  keep  us  alive  ?  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis  and  those 
who,  in  the  Free  States,  would  have  been  his  associates, 
but  must  content  themselves  with  being  his  political 
guej'illeros.  If  Davis  had  succeeded,  would  he  have  had 
any  scruples  of  constitutional  delicacy  ?  And  if  he  has 
not  succeeded,  is  it  not  mainly  owing  to  measures  which 
Lis  disappointed  partisans  denounce  as  unconstitutional  ? 

"We  cannot  bring  ourselves  to  think  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
nas  done  any  thing  that  would  furnish  a  precedent  dan- 
gerous to  our  liberties,  or  in  any  way  overstepped  the 
just  limits  of  his  constitutional  discretion.  If  his  course 
has  been  unusual,  it  was  because  the  danger  was  equally 
so.  It  cannot  be  so  truly  said  that  he  has  strained  his 
prerogative,  as  that  the  imperious  necessity  has  exercised 
its  own.  Surelv  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  never 
dreamed  that  they  were  making  a  strait  waistcoat,  in 
which  the  nation  was  to  lie  helpless  while  traitors  were 
loft  free  to  do  their  will.  In  times  like  these,  men  seldom 
settle  precisely  the  principles  on  which  they  shall  act,  but 
rather  adjust  those  on  which  they  have  acted  to  the  lines 
of  precedent  as  well  as  they  can  after  the  event.  This  is 
what  the  English  Parliament  did  in  the  Act  of  Settlement. 
Congress,  after  all,  will  only  be  called  on  for  the  official 
draft  of  an  enactment,  the  terms  of  which  have  been 
already  decided  by  agencies  beyond  their  control.  Even 
while  they  are  debating,  the  current  is  sweeping  them 
onward  toward  new  relations  of  policy.  At  worst,  a  new 
precedejit  is  pretty  sure  of  pardon,  if  it  successfully  meet 
a  new  occasion.  It  is  a  harmless  pleasantry  to  call  Mr. 
Lincoln  '  Abraham  the  First,' — we  remember  when  a 
similar  title  was  applied  to  President  Jackson  ;  and  it 
will  not  be  easy,  we  suspect,  to  persuade  a  people  who 
have  more  liberty  than  they  know  what  to  do  with,  that 
tlxey  are  the  victims  of  despotic  tyianuy. 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.     173 

"  Mr.  Lmcoln  probably  thought  it  more  convenient,  to 
say  the  least,  to  have  a  country  left  without  a  constitution, 
than  a  constitution  without  a  country.  We  have  no  doubt 
we  shall  save  both  ;  for  if  we  take  care  of  the  one,  the 
other  will  take  care  of  itself.  Sensible  men,  and  it  is  the 
S'^nsible  men  in  any  country  who  at  last  shape  its  policy, 
will  be  apt  to  doubt  whether  it  is  true  conservatism,  after 
the  fire  is  got  under,  to  insist  on  keeping  up  the  flaw  in 
the  chimney  by  which  it  made  its  way  into  the  house. 
Badiealism  may  be  a  very  dangerous  thing,  and  so  is 
calomel,  but  not  when  it  is  the  only  means  of  saving  the 
life  of  the  patient.  Names  are  of  great  influence  in  ordi- 
nary times,  when  they  are  backed  by  the  vis  inertice  of 
life-long  prejudice,  but  they  have  little  power  in  com- 
parison with  a  sense  of  interest ;  and  though,  in  peaceful 
times,  it  may  be  highly  respectable  to  be  conservative 
merely  for  the  sake  of  being  so,  though  without  very 
clear  notions  of  any  thing  in  particular  to  be  conserved, 
what  we  want  now  is  the  prompt  decision  that  will  not 
besitate^^  between  the  bale  of  silk  and  the  ship  when  a  leak 
is  to  be  stopped.  If  we  succeed  in  saving  the  great  land- 
marks of  freedom,  there  will  be  no  difficulty  in  settling  our 
constitutional  boundaries  again.  We  have  no  sympathy 
to  spare  for  the  pretended  anxieties  of  men  who,  only  two 
years  gone,  were  willing  that  Jefferson  Davis  should 
break  all  the  ten  commandments  together,  and  w^ould 
now  impeach  Mr.  Lincoln  for  a  scratch  on  the  surface  of 
the  tables  where  they  are  engraved." 

Ap  soon  as  the  publication  was  received  and  read  by 
the  President,  he  sent  to  the  publishers  the  followincf 
letter  : 

"  ExECUTTVR  Mansion.  Washington,  January  \Uh,  1864, 
^'MesHrs.  Crosby  ^  Nichols: 

"  Gentlrmen  :  The  number  for  this  month  and  year  of  the 
North  American  Reviev)  was  duly  received  and  for  which  please 
accept  my  thanks.    Of  course  I  am  not  the  moat  impartial 


174    LIFK  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

judge  ;  yet,  with  due  allowance  for  this,  I  venture  to  hojte  that 
the  article  entitled  'The  President's  Policy'  will  be  of  value 
to  the  country,  1  fear  I  am  not  quite  worthy  of  all  which  is 
therein  kindly  said  of  me  personally. 

"  The  sentence  of  twelve  lines,  commencing  at  the  top  of  page 
252,  (which  in  this  book  is  on  page  165.)  I  could  wish  to  be  not 
exactly  as  it  is.  In  what  is  there  exjjressed  the  writer  has  not 
correctly  understood  me.  1  have  never  had  a  tiieory  that  seces- 
sion could  absolve  States  or  people  from  their  ol)ligations.  Pre- 
cisely the  contrary  is  asserted  in  the  inaugural  address;  an<i  it 
was  because  of  my  belief  in  the  continuation  of  those  ob/igdiims 
that  I  was  puzzled,  for  a  time,  as  to  denying  the  legal  righti  of 
those  citizens  who  remained  individually  .'iinocent  of  treason  or 
rebellion.  But  I  mean  no  more  now  than  to  merely  call  atten- 
tion to  this  point. 

"Yours  respectfully, 

"A.  Lincoln." 

The  sentence  referred  to  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  is  as  follows : 
"  Even  so  long  ago  as  when  Mr.  Lincoln,  not  yet  con- 
vinced of  the  danger  and  magnitude  of  the  crisis,  was 
endeavoring  to  persuade  himself  of  Union  majorities  at 
the  South,  and  to  carry  on  a  war  that  was  half  peace,  in 
the  hope  of  a  peace  that  would  have  been  all  war,  while 
he  was  still  enforcing  the  Fugitive  Slave  law,  under 
some  theory  that  secession,  however  it  might  absolve 
States  from  their  obligations,  could  not  escheat  them  of 
their  claims  under  the  constitution,  and  that  slaveholders 
in  rebellion  had  alone  among  mortals,  the  privilege  of 
having  their  cake  and  eating  it  at  the  same  time, — the 
enemies  of  free  government  were  striving  to  persuade  the 
people  that  the  war  was  an  abolition  crusade.  To  rebel 
without  reason  was  proclaimed  as  one  of  the  rights  of  man, 
while  it  was  carefully  kept  out  of  sight  that  to  suppress 
rebellion  is  the  first  duty  of  government." 

RECENT    ADDRESSES    OF    MR.    LINCOLN. 

On  the  night  of  the  eighteenth  of  March,  1864,  at  the 
close  of  the  successful  fair  held  in  the  Patent  Office  eft 
Washington,  Mr.  Lincoln  spoke  as  follows : 

''Ladies  and  Gentlemen : — I  appear,  to  say  but  a  word.    This 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    175 

extraordinary  war  in  which  we  are  engaged  falls  heavily  upon  all 
classes  of  people,  but  the  most  heavily  upon  the  soldier.  For  it 
has  been  said,  all  that  a  man  hath  will  he  give  for  his  life  ;  and, 
while  all  contribute  of  their  substance,  the  soldier  puts  his  life 
at  stake,  and  often  yields  it  up  in  his  country's  cause.  The  high- 
est merit,  then,  is  due  to  the  soldier. 

"  In  this  extraordinary  war,  extraordinary  developments  have 
manifested  themselves,  such  as  have  not  been  seen  in  former 
wars ;  and  among  these  manifestations  nothing  has  been  more 
remarkable  than  these  fairs  for  the  relief  of  suffering  soldiers 
and  their  families.  And  the  chief  agents  in  these  fairs  are  the 
women  of  America.  I  am  not  accustomed  to  the  use  of  the 
language  of  eulogy ;  I  have  never  studied  the  art  of  paying 
compliments  to  women  ;  but  I  must  say  that,  if  all  that  has  been 
said  by  orators  and  poets,  since  the  creation  of  the  world,  in 
praise  of  women  were  applied  to  the  women  of  America,  it  would 
not  do  them  justice  for  their  conduct  during  this  war.  I  will 
close  by  saying,  God  bless  the  women  of  America!"  (Great 
applause.) 

Three  days  later,  a  committee  appointed  by  the  Work- 
ingmen's  Democratic  Kepublican  Association  of  New 
York  waited  on  the  President,  and  presented  liim  with  an 
address  informing  him  that  he  had  been  elected  a  member 
of  that  organization.  After  the  chairman  had  stated  the 
object  of  the  visit,  Mr.  Lincoln  made  the  following  reply : 

^^ Gentlemen  of  the  Committee  : — The  honorary  membership  in 
your  Association  so  generously  tendered  is  gratefully  accepted. 
You  comprehend,  as  your  address  shows,  that  the  existing  re- 
bellion means  more  and  tends  to  more  than  the  perpetuation  of 
African  slavery — that  it  /c,  in  fact,  a  war  upon  the  rights  of  all 
working  people.  Partly  to  show  that  the  view  has  not  escaped 
my  attention,  and  partly  that  I  cannot  better  express  myself,  I 
read  a  passage  from  the  message  to  Congress  in  December,  1861: 

"  '  It  continues  to  develop  that  the  insurrection  is  largely,  if 
not  exclusively,  a  war  upon  the  first  principle  of  popular  Gov- 
ernment— the  rights  of  the  people.  Conclusive  evidence  of  this 
is  found  in  the  most  grave  and  maturely-considered  public  docu- 
ments, as  well  as  in  the  general  tone  of  the  insurgents.  In  those 
documents  we  find  the  abridgement  of  the  existing  right  of  suf- 
frage, and  the  denial  to  the  people  of  all  right  to  participate  in 
the  selection  of  public  officers,  except  the  legislative  body,  boldly 
advocated  with  labored  arguments,  to  prove  that  large  control 
of  the  people  in  government  is  the  source  of  all  political  evil. 
Monarchy  is  sometimes  hinted  at  as  a  possible  retuge  from  the 
power  of  the  people.    In  my  present  position,  I  could  scarcely 


176      LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LUTCOLN. 

be  justified  were  I  to  omit  raising  my  voice  against  this  approach 
of  returning  despotism. 

"  *  It  is  not  needed  or  fitting  here  that  a  general  argument 
should  be  made  in  favor  of  popular  institutions  ;  but  there  is  one 
point,  with  its  connections,  not  so  hackneyed  as  most  others,  to 
which  I  ask  a  brief  attention.  It  is  the  effort  to  place  capital 
on  an  equal  footing  with,  if  not  above,  labor  in  the  structure  of 
the  Government.  It  is  assumed  that  labor  is  available  only  in 
connection  with  capital ;  that  nobody  labors  unless  somebody 
else  owning  capital  somehow,  by  use  of  it,  induces  him  to  labor. 

"  *  This  assumed,  it  is  next  considered  whether  it  is  best  that 
capital  shall  hire  laborers,  and  thus  induce  them  to  work  by  their 
own  consent,  or  buy  them  and  drive  them  to  it  without  their 
consent.  Having  proceeded  so  far,  it  is  naturally  concluded 
that  all  laborers  are  either  hired  laborers  or  what  we  call  slaves. 
And,  further,  it  is  assumed  that  whoever  is  once  a  hired  laborer 
is  fixed  in  that  condition  for  life.  Now  there  is  no  such  relation 
between  capital  and  labor  as  assumed,  nor  is  there  any  such 
thing  as  a  free  man  being  fixed  for  life  in  the  condition  of  a 
hired  laborer.  Both  of  these  assumptions  are  false,  and  all  infer- 
ences from  them  are  groundless. 

"'Labor  is  prior  to  and  independent  of  capital.  Capital  is 
only  the  fruit  of  labor,  and  never  could  have  existed  if  labor  had 
not  first  existed.  Labor  is  the  support  of  capital,  and  deserves 
much  the  higher  consideration.  Capital  has  its  rights,  which 
are  as  worthy  of  protection  as  any  other  rights.  Nor  is  it  denied 
that  there  is,  and  probably  always  will  be,  a  relation  between 
labor  and  capital  producing  mutual  benefits.  The  error  is  in 
assuming  that  the  whole  labor  of  a  community  exists  within  that 
relation.  A  few  men  own  capital,  and  that  few  avoid  labor 
themselves,  and  with  that  capital  hire  or  buy  another  few  to 
labor  for  them. 

"  'A  large  majority  belong  to  neither  class — neither  work 
for  others  nor  have  others  working  for  them.  In  most  of  the 
Southern  States  a  majority  of  the  whole  people,  of  all  colors, 
are  neither  slaves  nor  masters,  while,  in  the  Northern  States,  a 
large  majority  are  neither  hirers  nor  hired.  Men  with  their 
families — wives,  sons,  and  daughters — work  for  themselves  on 
their  farms,  in  their  houses,  and  in  their  shops,  taking  the  whole 
product  to  themselves,  and  asking  no  favors  of  capital  on  the 
one  hand  nor  of  hired  laborers  or  slaves  on  the  other.  It  is 
hot  forgotten  that  a  considerable  number  cf  persons  mingle  their 
own  labor  with  capital — that  is,  they  labor  with  their  own  hands 
and  also  buy  or  hire  others  to  labor  for  them  ;  but  this  is  only  a 
mixed  and  not  a  distinct  class.  No  principle  stated  is  disturbed 
by  the  existence  of  this  mixed  class. 

"  'Again.  As  has  already  been  said,  there  is  not  of  necessity 
any  such  thing  as  the  free  hired  laborer  being  fixed  to  that  con- 
dition for  ;life.    Many  independent   men  everywhere  in  these 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    177 

States,  a  few  years  back  in  their  lives,  were  hired  laborers.  The 
prudent,  penniless  beginner  in  the  world  labors  for  wages  a  while, 
saves  a  surplus  with  which  to  buy  tools  or  lands  for  himself,  then 
labors  on  his  own  account  another  while,  and  at  length  hires 
another  new  beginner  to  help  him.  This  is  the  just,  and  gener- 
ous, and  prosperous  system  which  opens  the  way  to  all — gives 
hope  to  all,  and  consequent  energy,  and  progress,  and  improve- 
ment to  all.  No  men  living  are  more  worthy  to  be  trusted  than 
those  who  toil  up  from  poverty — none  less  inclined  to  take  or 
touch  aught  with  which  they  have  not  honestly  earned.  Let 
them  beware  of  surrendering  a  political  power  which  they  already 
possess,  and  which,  if  surrendered,  will  surely  be  used  to  close 
the  door  of  advancement  against  such  as  they,  and  to  fix  new 
disabilities  and  burdens  upon  them  till  all  of  liberty  shall  be 
lost.' 

''The  views  then  expressed  remain  unchanged — nor  have  I 
much  to  add.  None  are  so  deeply  interested  to  resist  the 
present  rebellion  as  the  working  people.  Let  them  beware  of 
prejudices  working  disunion  and  hostility  among  themselves. 
The  most  notable  feature  of  a  disturbance  in  your  city  last  sum- 
mer was  the  hanging  of  some  working  people  by  other  working 
people.  It  should  never  be  so.  The  strongest  bond  of  human 
sympathy,  outside  of  the  family  relation,  should  be  one  uniting 
all  working  people,  of  all  nations,  tongues,  and  kindreds.  Nor 
should  this  lead  to  a  war  upon  property  or  the  owners  of  prop- 
erty. Property  is  the  fruit  of  labor;  property  is  desirable; 
is  a  positive  good  in  the  world.  That  some  should  be  rich, 
shows  that  others  may  become  rich,  and  hence  is  just  encourage- 
ment to  industry  and  enterprise.  Let  not  him  who  is  houseless 
pull  down  the  house  of  another,  but  let  him  labor  diligently  and 
ouild  one  for  himself;  thus,  by  example,  assuring  that  his  own 
shall  be  safe  from  violence  when  built." 

ABRAHAM     LINCOLN     THE    CHOICE    OP    THE 
PEOPLE    EOR   ANOTHER    TERM. 

Within  the  past  few  months,  a  movement  has  been  in 
progress  throughout  the  North  and  West,  which  can  but 
be  as  gratifying  to  Abraham  Lincoln  as  it  is  pleasing  to 
the  great  mass  of  the  loj^al  voters  of  the  country. 

No  President  ever  encountered  the  same  difficulties 
which  have  met  the  present  incumbent  of  the  "  White 
House"  at  every  step  he  has  taken  since  the  day  of  hi« 
inauguration.  The  traitors  in  the  South  have  naturally 
opposed  every  important  order  he  has  issued  j  have  ridi- 


178    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

culed  every  proclamation  he  has  promulgated  ;  have  criti- 
cised and  sneered  at  every  message  he  has  written  ;  and 
have  vilified  and  maligned  the  character  of  their  author. 
This  was  to  be  expected  ;  but  there  have  been  traitors  at 
the  North  who  have  been  no  less  bitter,  no  less  strenuous 
in  their  opposition ;  but,  under  the  guidance  of  Divine 
Providence,  he  has  been  able  to  repel  the  assaults  of  both 
of  these  classes  of  unprincipled  advocates  of  treason  ;  and, 
strong  in  his  holy  purpose  to  rescue  the  country  from  the 
machinations  of  its  enemies,  he  has  continued  steadfast  in 
the  path  of  official  duty.  He  may  have  made  some  mis- 
takes, but  they  have  been  few,  and  it  must  be  remembered 
that  even  those  which  have  been  more  particularly  re- 
ferred to  by  his  opponents  were  caused,  not  by  ignorance, 
but  by  the  exigencies  of  the  occasion,  which  compelled 
him  to  give  an  important  answer,  or  issue  an  important 
order,  without  being  allowed  the  time  for  reflection  which 
the  magnitude  of  the  subject  demanded. 

The  importance,  indeed  the  absolute  necessity,  of  re- 
taining Mr.  Lincoln  in  his  present  exalted  position,  is  now 
"^the  popular  belief,  and  from  every  loyal  Commonwealth 
come  tidings,  pronouncing  in  language  which  cannot  be 
mistaken,  that  he  alone  is  deemed  the  proper  person  to 
rescue  the  country  from  its  present  danger.  The  Legis- 
latures of  fifteen  States  have  declared  that  he  is  their 
choice  and  the  choice  of  their  constituents.  Union 
Leagues,  Conventions,  and  public  assemblies  of  different 
political  characters,  have  indorsed  the  decision  of  their 
legislative  bodies ;  and  the  loyal  people  almost  unani- 
mously approve  of  the  action  which  has  again  brought 
Mr.  Lincoln  prominently  forward  as  the  best  and  only 
man  to  nominate  and  elect  to  the  Presidency.  He  has 
been  tried,  and  not  found  wanting,  and  no  better  return 
for  the  perils  encountered,  the  labors  accomplished,  and 
the  benefits  derived  to  the  country,  could  be  offered,  than 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.     179 

his  re-nomination  and  re-election,  both  of  which  are  now 
ahnost  as  certain  as  that  the  Union  Convention  will  assem- 
ble at  Baltimore  in  June  next,  and  that  the  ele(;tion  will 
be  held  in  November.  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Connec- 
ticut, P^hode  Island,  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  Mary- 
land, Ohio,  Indiana,  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  Iowa,  Minne- 
sota, Kansas,  and  California,  have  spoken,  and,  at  the 
advent  of  the  summer  solstice,  the  other  States  will  re- 
echo the  popular  sentiments,  as  so  emphatically  expressed 
by  their  sister  Commonwealths.  He  is  no  longer  the  rep- 
resentative of  any  particular  political  party,  but  comes 
before  the  loyal  voters  of  the  country  as  an  indefatigable, 
incorruptible,  public  servant,  whose  multiform  and  per- 
plexing duties  have  been  faithfully  performed,  and  who 
has  no  other  ambition  than  to  so  administer  the  affairs  of 
the  nation  as  will  be  most  conducive  to  its  welfare. 
Throughout  his  Presidential  career  he  has  never  failed 
to  prove  himself  equal  to  any  emergency  that  might  oc- 
cur. To  use  the  words  of  a  patriotic  Philadelphian,  even 
in  the  darkest  hour  of  our  struggle,  when  every  thing 
seemed  lost,  and  the  feeling  of  despondency  with  regard 
to  the  future  was  so  great  that  those  who  had  been  con- 
fident before  lost  all  hope,  he  who  was  at  the  helm  of 
Government  still  maintained  his  self-command  and  a  firm 
reliance  in  an  overruling  Providence,  which,  in  due  time, 
would  order  all  things  aright.  Coolness,  confidence,  and 
courage,  are  only  valuable  when  they  are  needed ;  and  he 
who  has  passed  through  ordeals  in  which  the  possession 
of  such  qualities  have  been  manifested,  in  no  ordinary  de- 
gree, obtains  a  hold  on  the  confidence  of  the  world  which 
but  few  are  fortunate  enough  to  secure  ;  men  of  extraor- 
dinary abilities,  lacking  these  qualities,  have,  on  great  and 
trying  occasions,  too  often  demonstrated  their  incapacity 
for  supreme  command,  like  that  which  belongs  to  the  head 
of  a  great  government.     Considerations  such  as  these  will 


180    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

make  the  people  loth  to  part  with  one  who,  in  the  hour  of 
trial,  has  proved  himself  equal  to  the  emergency. 

As  an  evidence  of  the  sentiment  to  which  we  have  re- 
ferred, we  publish  the  following  resolutions,  unanimously 
adopted  by  the  Union  League  of  Philadelphia,  on  the 
eleventh  of  January,  1864: 

^^  Whereas,  The  skill,  courage,  fideHty  and  integrity  with 
which,  in  a  period  of  unparalleled  trial,  Abraham  Lincoln  has 
conducted  the  administration  of  the  National  Government,  have 
won  for  him  the  highest  esteem  and  the  most  affectionate  regard 
of  his  grateful  countrymen  ; 

"-4nd  whereas,  The  confidence  which  all  loyal  men  repose  in 
his  honesty,  his  wisdom  and  his  patriotism,  should  be  proclaimed 
on  every  suitable  occasion,  in  order  that  his  hands  may  be 
strengthened  for  the  important  work  he  has  yet  to  perform  ; 

''And  whereas,  The  Union  League  of  Philadelphia,  composed 
as  it  is,  of  those  who,  having  formerly  belonged  to  various 
parties,  in  this  juncture  recognize  no  party  but  their  country  ; 
and  representing,  as  it  does,  all  the  industrial,  mechanical,  man- 
ufacturing, commercial,  financial,  and  professional  interests 
of  the  city,  is  especially  qualified  to  give,  in  this  behalf,  an 
unbiased  and  authentic  utterance  to  the  public  sentiment ; 
therefore, 

"■Resolved,  That  to  the  prudence,  sagacity,  comprehension 
and  perseverance  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  under  the  guidance  of  a  benign 
Providence,  the  nation  is  more  indebted  for  the  grand  results  of 
the  war,  which  southern  rebels  have  wickedly  waged  against 
liberty  and  the  Union,  than  to  any  other  single  instrumentality; 
and  that  he  is  justly  envitled  to  whatever  reward  it  is  in  the 
power  of  the  nation  to  bestow. 

"■Resolved,  That  we  cordially  approve  of  the  policy  which 
Mr.  Lincoln  has  adopted  and  pursued,  as  well  the  principles  he 
has  announced  as  the  acts  he  has  performed,  and  that  we  shall 
continue  to  give  an  earnest  and  energetic  support  to  the  doc- 
trines and  measures  by  which  his  administration  has  thus  far 
been  directed  and  illustrated. 

"Resolved,  That  as  Mr.  Lincoln  has  had  to  endure  the  largest 
share  of  the  labor  required  to  suppress  the  rebellion,  now 
rapidly  verging  to  its  close,  he  should  also  enjoy  the  largest 
share  of  the  honors  which  await  those  who  have  contended  for 
the  right ;  and  as,  in  all  respects,  he  has  shown  pre-eminent 
ability  in  fulfilling  the  requirements  of  his  great  ofiBce,  we  recog- 
nize with  pleasure  the  unmistakable  indications  of  the  popular 
will  in  all  the  loyal  States,  and  heartily  join  with  our  fellow- 
citizens,  without  any  distinction  of  party,  here  and  elsewhere,  la 
presenting  him  as  the  People's  candidate  for  the  Presidency  at 
the  approaching  election. 


LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.   181 

^'Resolved,  That  a  Committee  of  Seventy-six  be  appointed, 
whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  promote  the  object  now  proposed,  by 
correspondence  with  other  loyal  organizations,  by  stimulating 
the  expression  of  public  opinion,  and  by  whatever  additional 
modes  shall,  in  their  judgment,  seem  best  adapted  to  the  end  ; 
and  that  this  Committee  have  power  to  supply  vacancies  in 
their  own  body  and  to  increase  their  numbers  at  their  own  dis- 
cretion. 

'^lieryolved,  That  a  copy  of  these  proceedings,  properly  en- 
grossed and  attested,  be  forwarded  to  President  Lincoln ;  and 
that  they  also  be  published  in  the  loyal  newspapers." 

GENERAL  GRANT  MADE  A  LIEUTENANT- 
GENERAL. 

On  the  2d  of  March,  1864,  President  Lincoln  approved 
a  bill  passed  bj  Congress  on  the  2Gth  of  February,  revi- 
ving the  grade  of  Lieutenant-General,  and  the  same  day  he 
nominated  for  that  high  office  Major-General  Grant,  the 
hero  of  Vicksburg,  and  on  the  same  day  the  Senate  unan- 
imously confirmed  the  nomination.  On  the  9th  of  March, 
General  Grant,  being  upon  official  business  at  Washington, 
was  invited  to  the  White  House,  where  the  President, 
handing  him  his  commission,  addressed  him  as  follows : 

"  General  Grant  : — The  expression  of  the  nation's  approba- 
tion of  what  you  have  already  done,  and  its  reliance  on  you  for 
what  remains  to  do  in  the  existing  great  struggle,  is  now  pre- 
sented with  this  commission,  constituting  you  Lieutenant- Geju 
eral  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States. 

'*  With  this  high  honor  devolves  on  you  an  additional  respon- 
sibility. As  the  country  herein  trusts  you,  so,  under  God,  it 
will  sustain  you.  I  scarcely  need  add,  that  with  what  I  here 
speak  for  the  country,  goes  my  own  hearty  personal  concur- 
rence." 

General  Grant  accepted  the  commission  with  character- 
istic modesty,  responding  briefly  and  appropriately  to  the 
remarks  of  the  President. 

A  VIGOROUS  PROSECUTION  OP  THE  WAR. 

In  May,  1864,  the  President  had  approved  the  plans  of 
Lieutenant-General  Grant;  and  the  grand  combinations 
of  the  latter,  looking  to  the  breaking  up  of  the  Confederate 


182      LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

power,  and  the  fall  of  Richmond,  were  put  in  motioa. 
Sherman  was  at  work  in  the  South-west,  and  after  taking 
and  destroying  Atlanta,  he  designed  marching  directly 
through  the  heart  of  Georgia,  making  Savannah  his  first 
objective  point ;  and  then,  striking  northward,  he  was  to 
compel  the  evacuation  of  Columbia,  Charleston,  and  Wil- 
mington, and  co-operate  with  General  Grant  in  the 
conquest  of  the  rebel  capital.  Thomas  was  left  in  the 
South-west  to  check,  and  if  possible,  destroy  Hood  and 
Johnston ;  while  Grant,  aided  by  the  splendid  genius  and 
jQghting  qualities  of  Meade,  Sheridan,  and  Hancock,  were 
operating  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Richmond.  The 
plans  were  finally  all  carried  out  almost  to  the  letter,  and 
General  Grant  telegraphed  to  the  President,  in  May,  that 
he  "  proposed  to  fight  it  out  on  this  line  if  it  took  all  sum- 
mer." These  vast  military  operations,  and  the  confidence 
of  the  great  mass  of  the  people  in  the  fidelity  of  the  Pres- 
ident, and  in  the  skill  of  his  generals,  promoted  a  great 
degree  of  confidence  in  the  speedy  ending  of  the  war,  with 
an  unconditional  restoration  of  the  authority  of  the  Union. 

MR.  LINCOLN  IS  RE-NOMINATED  FOR  THE 

PRESIDENCY. 

On  the  Tth  of  June,  1864,  the  National  Union  Conven- 
tion met  at  Baltimore.  The  re-nomination  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
for  President  of  the  United  States  was  clearly  foreshad- 
owed, and  the  formal  naming  of  him  as  the  choice  of  the 
people  for  a  second  term  in  his  high  office,  was  looked  for 
as  a  matter  of  course.  He  was  re-nominated  by  acclama- 
tion, and  Andrew  Johnson  of  Tennessee,  who,  like  him- 
self, was  a  self-made  man,  was  nominated  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency.  The  platform  of  principles  adopted  by  the 
convention  was  brief  and  pithy.  We  transfer  some  per- 
tinent extracts  to  our  pages. 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.     183 

*^Resolved,  That  it  is  the  liifrhest  duty  of  every  American  citi- 
zen to  maintain  against  all  their  enemies  the  integrity  of  the 
Union  and  the  paramount  authority  of  the  Constitution  and 
laws  of  the  United  States ;  and  that,  laying  aside  all  differences 
of  political  opinion,  we  pledge  ourselves  as  Union  men,  animated 
by  a  cojnraon  sentiment,  and  aiming  at  a  common  object,  to  do 
every  thing  in  our  power  to  aid  the  Government  in  quelling  by 
force  of  arms  the  rebellion  now  raging  against  its  authority,  and 
in  bringing  to  the  punishment  due  to  their  crimes,  the  rebels 
and  traitors  arrayed  against  it. 

"Resolved,  That  we  approve  the  determination  of  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  not  to  compromise  with  rebels, 
nor  to  offer  any  terms  of  peace  except  such  as  may  be  based 
upon  an  'unconditional  surrender'  of  their  hostility  and  a  re 
turn  to  their  jusl-  allegiance  to  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the 
United  States,  and  that  we  call  upon  the  Government  to  main- 
tain this  position  and  to  prosecute  the  war  with  the  utmost 
possible  vigor  to  the  complete  suppression  of  the  Rebellion,  in 
full  reliance  upon  the  self-sacrifice,  the  patriotism,  the  heroic 
valor,  and  the  undying  devotion  of  tlie  American  people  to  their 
country  and  its  free  institutions. 

"Resolved,  That,  as  Slavery  was  the  cause,  and  now  constitutes 
the  strength,  of  this  rebellion,  and  as  it  must  be  always  and 
everywhere  hostile  to  the  principles  of  republican  government, 
justice  and  the  national  safety  demand  its  utter  and  complete 
extirpation  from  the  soil  of  the  republic  ;  and  that  we  uphold 
and  maintain  the  Jicts  and  proclamations  by  which  the  Govern- 
ment, in  its  own  defence,  has  aimed  a  death-blow  at  this  gigan- 
tic evil.  We  are  in  favor,  furthermore,  of  such  an  amendment 
to  the  Constitution,  to  be  made  by  the  people  in  conformity 
with  its  provisions,  as  shall  terminate  and  forever  prohibit  the 
existence  of  Slavery  within  the  limits  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
United  States. 

"Resolved,  That  we  approve  and  applaud  the  practical  wis 
dom,  the  unselfish  patriotism,  and  unswerving  fidelity  to  the 
Constitution  and  the  principles  of  American  liberty,  with  which 
Abraham  Lincoln  has  discharged,  under  circumstances  of  un- 
paralleled difficulty,  the  great  duties  and  responsibilities  of  the 
presidential  office ;  that  we  approve  and  indorse,  as  demanded 
by  the  emergency,  and  essential  to  the  preservation  of  the 
nation,  and  as  within  the  Constitution,  the  measures  and  acts 
which  he  has  adopted  to  defend  the  nation  against  its  open  and 
secret  foes ;  that  we  approve  especially  the  Proclamation  of 
ICmancipation,  and  the  employment  as  Union  soldiers  of  men 
heretofore  held  in  Slavery ;  and  that  we  have  full  confidence  in 
his  determination  to  carry  these  and  all  other  constitutional 
measures  essential  to  the  salvation  of  the  country  into  full  and 
complete  effect." 


V  ■-v,'"J-r  -'"♦k 


184    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

On  the  29th  of  August  of  the  same  year,  the  Democratic 
Convention  met  at  Chicago,  and  nominated  George  B. 
McClellan  and  George  H.  Pendleton  as  its  banner  bearers. 
General  McClellan  being  named  for  the  Presidency  ana 
Mr.  Pendleton  for  the  Yice-presidency.  The  platform  of 
the  party,  as  laid  down  by  this  convention,  set  forth, 
among  other  things,  the  following  : 

^'Resolved,  That  this  Convention  does  explicitly  declare,  as 
the  sense  of  the  American  people,  that  after  four  years  of  fail- 
ure to  restore  the  Union  by  the  experiment  of  war,  during 
which,  under  the  pretence  of  a  military  necessity  of  a  war 
power  higher  than  the  Constitution,  the  Constitution  itself  has 
been  disregarded  in  every  part,  and  pubhc  liberty  and  private 
right  alike  trodden  down,  and  the  material  prosperity  of  the 
countiy  essentially  impaired  ;  justice,  humanity,  liberty,  and  the 
public  welfare,  demand  that  immediate  efforts  be  made  for  a 
cessation  of  hostilities,  with  a  view  to  an  ultimate  Convention 
of  all  the  States,  or  other  peaceable  means  to  the  end  that  at 
the  earliest  practicable  moment  peace  may  be  restored  on  the 
basis  of  the  Federal  Union  of  the  States." 

General  McClellan,  in  his  letter  of  acceptance  to  the 
committee  appointed  by  the  Convention  to  notify  him  of 
his  nomination,  virtually  ignored  the  portion  of  the  plat- 
form given  above,  and  he  urged  a  vigorous  prosecution  of 
the  war.  Much  dissatisfaction  in  the  Democratic  party 
grew  out  of  the  differences  between  the  sentiments  ex- 
pressed by  the  platform  and  those  of  the  principal  candi- 
date placed  upon  it,  and  for  a  time  it  seemed  as  though 
the  party  would  be  wrecked  in  advance  upon  the  rock  of 
these  differences.  Some  of  the  leading  peace  men  of  the 
party  refused  to  support  General  McClellan,  while  the 
War  democracy  denounced  the  platform  in  unmeasured 
t^rms. 

To  use  an  expression  of  General  McClellan's,  the  cam- 
paign was  "  short,  sharp,  and  decisive,"  and  the  candidates 
of  both  parties  came  in  for  a  liberal  share  of  abuse  and 
ridicule. 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    1^5 

PRESIDENT  LINCOLN  VT«=y:TS   PHILADELPHIA. 

A  series  of  monster  fairs  was  held,  in  1864,  in  the  prin- 
cipal cities  of  the  Union,  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the  funds 
of  the  United  States  Sanitary  Commission.  Philadelphia 
held  her  great  fair  in  June,  and  on  the  sixteenth  of  the 
month,  the  President  and  Mrs.  Lincoln,  paid  a  visit  to  the 
fair  buildings,  in  Logan  square.  There  was  a  huge  crowd 
present  for  the  purpose  of  gazing  upon  the  features  of  their 
beloved  Chief  Magistrate.  After  a  collation  had  been 
partaken  of,  Mr.  Lincoln  made  a  characteristic  address. 
In  speaking  of  the  war,  he  said  : 

♦*  War,  at  the  best,  is  terrible,  and  this  war  of  ours,  in  its 
magnitude  and  its  duration,  is  one  of  the  most  terrible.  It  has 
deranged  business,  totally  in  many  localities,  and  partially  in  all 
localities.  It  has  destroyed  property,  and  ruined  homes ;  it  has 
produced  a  national  debt  and  taxation  unprecedented,  at  least 
in  this  country.  It  has  carried  mourning  to  almost  every  home, 
until  it  can  almost  be  said  that  the  '  heavens  are  hung  in  black.' 

*'It  is  a  pertinent  question,  often  asked  in  the  mind  pri- 
vately, and  from  one  to  the  other,  *  when  is  the  war  to  end  ?' 
Surely  I  feel  as  deep  an  interest  in  this  question  as  any  other 
can,  but  I  do  not  wish  to  name  a  day,  or  month,  or  a  year  when 
it  is  to  end.  I  do  not  wish  to  run  any  risk  of  seeing  the  time 
come,  without  our  being  ready  for  the  end,  and  for  fear  of  dis- 
appointment because  the  time  had  come,  and  not  the  end.  We 
accepted  this  war  for  an  object,  a  worthy  object,  and  the  war 
will  end  when  that  object  is  attained.  Under  God,  1  hope  it 
never  will  until  that  time.  [Great  cheering.]  Speaking  of  the 
present  campaign,  Gen.  Grant  is  reported  to  have  said,  'I  am  go- 
mg  through  on  this  line  if  it  takes  all  summer !'  [Cheers.] 
This  war  has  taken  three  years  ;  it  was  begun,  or  accepted,  upon 
the  line  of  restoring  the  national  authority  over  the  whole  na- 
tional domain — and  for  the  American  people,  as  far  as  my  know- 
ledge enables  me  to  speak,  I  say,  we  are  going  thj-ough  on  this 
line  if  it  takes  three  years  more.  [Cheers.]  My  friends,  I  did  not 
know  but  that  I  might  be  called  upon  to  say  a  few  words  before 
I  got  away  from  here,  but  I  did  not  know  it  was  coming  just 
here.  [Tiaughter.]  I  have  never  been  in  the  habit  of  making 
predictions  in  regard  to  the  war,  but  I  am  almost  tempted  to 
make  one.  If  I  were  to  hazard  it,  it  is  this  :  That  Gr&.nt  is  this 
evening,  with  Gen.  Meade  and  Gen.  Hancock,  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  the  brave  officers  and  soldiers  with  him,  in  a  position  froiu 


186       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

whence  he  will  never  be  dislodged  until  Richmond  is  taken, 
[loud  cheering],  and  I  have  but  one  single  proposition  to  put 
now,  and  perhaps  I  can  best  put  it  in  the  form  of  an  interroga- 
tory. If  1  shall  discover  that  Gen.  Grant,  and  the  noble  officers 
and  men  under  him,  can  be  greatly  facilitated  in  their  work  by  a 
isudde]!  pouring  forward  of  men  and  assistance,  will  you  give 
them  to  me  ?  [Cries  of  '  Yes ! ']  Then,  I  say,  stand  ready, 
for  .1  am  waiting  for  the  chance.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  I 
ihank  you,  gentlemen." 

The  hint  given  b}'-  the  President  in  his  speech,  was  un- 
derstood when  a  call  was  made  the  following  month  for 
500,000  more  men. 

WASHINGTON  THREATENED. 

Towards  the  middle  of  July,  1864,  rebel  raiders,  under 
command  of  the  traitor  Breckinridge,  audaciously  threat- 
ened Washington.  They  approached  as  near  the  capital 
as  Teuallytown,  burned  the  residence  of  Postmaster  Blair, 
at  Silver  Springs,  destroyed  passenger  trains  on  the  rail- 
road between  Baltimore  and  the  Susquehanna,  and  burnt 
a  large  part  of  Chambersburg.  President  Lincoln  re- 
mained placidJy  in  Washington  during  this  exciting  period. 

"TO  WHOM  IT  MAY  CONCERN." 

While  these  stirring  events  were  in  progress  near  the 
national  capital,  representations  were  made  to  President 
Lincoln  that  certain  parties,  who  professed  to  represent 
the  rebel  government,  were  at  the  Clifton  House,  at 
Niagara  Falls,  and  anxious  to  enter  into  negotiations  with 
a  view  to  the  restoration  of  peace.  Clement  C.  Clay, 
Beverly  Tucker,  and  George  N.  Sanders  were  the  active 
agents  of  the  South  in  this  business,  and  they  succeeded 
in  persuading  Mr,  Horace  Greeley  that  much  good  would 
come  of  a  conference.  The  project  was  doubtless  a  trick 
to  induce  Mr.  Lincoln  to  recognize  the  Southern  Con- 
federacy, and  to  trap  him  into  a  betrayal  of  bis  plans. 
But  the  following  manifesto  issued  by  him  overturned  all 
those  hopes . 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       187 

**  Executive  Masion,  Washington,  July  18,  1864. — To  V)hom 
tt  may  concern :  Any  proposition  which  embraces  the  restora- 
tion of  peace,  the  integrity  of  the  Union,  and  the  abandonment 
of  slavery,  and  which  comes  by  and  with  authority  that  can 
control  the  armies  now  at  war  ag.ainst  the  United  States,  will 
be  received  and  considered  by  the  Executive  (jroverrment  of 
the  United  States,  and  will  be  met  by  liberal  terms  on  other 
substantial  and  collateral  points,  and  the  bearers  thereof  shall 
have  safe  conduct  both  ways.  Abraham  Lincoln." 

Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Holcombe,  who  were  among 
the  chief  plenipotentiaries  of  Jefferson  Davis,  took  high 
offence  at  the  tone  and  language  of  this  paper,  and  they 
responded  to  it  in  a  tone  of  ill  temper  that  evinced  their 
bitter  disappointment  at  the  failure  of  the  trap  set  for  the 
feet  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  Their  complaints  had  no  other  effect 
than  to  make  their  authors  ridiculous  in  the  sight  of  the 
world. 

THE  PALL  OF  ATLANTA. 

In  the  month  of  September,  1864,  intelligence  arrived  of 
the  fall  of  Atlanta,  and  the  President  appointed  a  day  of 
Thanksgiving,  for  the  success  of  an  event  that  none  who*' 
were  not  in  the  secrets  of  the  administration   could  have 
imagined  the  importance  of  at  that  time. 

MR.  LINCOLN  IS  RE-ELECTED. 

The  Presidential  election  took  place  upon  the  eighth  of 
November,  1864,  and  it  resulted  in  the  triumph  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln in  every  loyal  State  except  Kentucky,  New  Jersey  and 
Delaware.  In  some  of  the  States,  their  soldiers  in  the 
field  were  allowed  to  vote,  and  the  military  vote  was 
almost  invariably  cast  for  Lincoln  and  Johnson.  The 
official  returns  for  the  entire  vote  polled  summed  uj) 
4,034,789.  Of  these  Mr.  Lincoln  received  2,223,035, 
and  McClellan  received  1,811,754,  leaving  a  majority  of 
411,281  on  the  popular  vote.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected 
by  a  plurality  in  1860.  In  1864  his  majority  was  decided 
and  unmistakable. 

This  result  was  considered  a  full  endorsement  of  the 


188       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  0?  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN". 

policy  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  the  war  was  more  vigorously 
prosecuted  from  this  time,  many  of  its  opponents  being 
at  least  silenced,  if  they  were  not  convinced. 

MR.  LINCOLN  MAKES  A  SPEECH  UPON  HIb 

ELECTION. 

At  a  late  hour  on  the  night  of  the  election,  the  Presi- 
dent was  serenaded  by  a  club  of  Pennsylvanians,  who 
notified  him  of  the  fact  of  his  being  the  choice  of  the 
people  for  a  second  term.     He  responded  as  follows  : 

"Friends  and  Fellow- Citizens  :  Even  before  I  had  been  in- 
formed by  you  that  this  compliment  was  paid  me  by  loyal 
citizens  of  Pennsylvania  friendly  to  me,  I  had  inferred  that  you 
were  of  that  portion  of  my  countrymen  who  think  that  the 
best  interests  of  the  nation  are  to  be  subserved  by  the  support 
of  the  present  administration.  I  do  not  pretend  to  say  that 
you,  who  think  so,  embrace  all  the  patriotism  and  loyalty  of 
the  country  ;  but  I  do  believe,  and  I  trust  without  personal  in- 
terest, that  the  welfare  of  the  country  does  require  that  such 
support  and  endorsement  be  given.  I  earnestly  believe  that 
the  consequences  of  this  day's  work,  if  it  be  as  you  assume, 
and  as  now  seems  probable,  will  be  to  the  lasting  advantage  if 
not  to  the  very  salvation  of  the  country.  I  cannot,  at  this 
hour,  say  what  has  been  the  result  of  the  election,  but  what- 
ever it  may  be,  I  have  no  desire  to  modify  this  opinion :  that 
all  who  have  labored  to-day  in  behalf  of  the  Union  organization, 
have  wrought  for  the  best  interest  of  their  country  and  the 
world,  not  only  for  the  present  but  for  all  future  ages.  /  am 
thankful  to  God  for  this  approval  of  the  people;  but  ivhzle 
deeply  grateful  for  this  mark  of  their  confidence  in  me,  if  I 
know  my  heart,  my  gratitude  is  free  from  any  taint  of  per- 
sonal triumph.  I  do  not  impugn  the  motives  of  any  one  op- 
posed  to  me.  It  is  no  pleasure  to  me  to  triumph  over  any  one, 
hut  I  give  thanks  to  the  Almighty  for  this  evidence  of  the 
people's  resolution  to  stand  by  free  government  and  the  rights 
of  humanity 

LAST  ANNUAL  MESSAGE  OP  MR.  LINCOLN. 

On  the  sixth  of  December,  1864,  Mr.  Lincoln  sent  into 
Congress  his  last  annual  Message.  After  dwelling  at 
length  upon  our  foreign  relations,  the  state  of  the  country, 
and  the  results  of  the  election,  which  had  at  once  demon- 
strated the  strength  of  the  people  and  their  devotion  to 
the  cause  of  the  Union,  he  said  ; 


LIFE  AND  SEKVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       189 

"  The  public  purpose  to  establish  and  maintain  the  national 
authority,  is  unchanged,  and,  as  we  believe,  unchangeable. 
The  manner  of  continuing  the  efTort  remains  to  choose.  On 
careful  consideration  of  ail  the  evidence  accessible,  it  seems  to 
me  that  no  attempt  at  negotiation  with  tlie  insurgent  leader 
could  result  in  any  good.  He  would  accept  nothing  short  of 
Beverancc  of  the  Union — precisely  what  we  will  not  and  cannot 
give.  His  declarations  to  this  effect  are  explicit  and  oft- 
repeated.  He  does  not  attempt  to  deceive  us.  He  affords  us 
no  excuse  to  deceive  ourselves.  He  cannot  voluntarily  re- 
accept  the  Union.  We  cannot  voluntarily  yield  it.  Between 
him  and  us  the  issue  is  distinct,  single  and  inflexible.  It  is  an 
issue  which  can  only  be  tried  by  war,  and  decided  by  victory. 
If  we  yield  we  are  beaten.  If  the  Southern  people  fail  him,  he 
is  beaten.  Either  way,  it  would  be  the  victory  and  defeat  fol- 
lowing war.  What  is  true,  however,  of  him  who  heads  the 
insurgent  cause,  is  not  necessarily  true  of  those  who  follow. 
Although  he  cannot  re-accept  the  Union,  they  can.  *  *■  *  * 
In  presenting  the  abandonment  of  armed  resistance  to  the 
National  authority,  on  tlie  part  of  the  insurgents,  as  the  only 
indispensable  condition  to  ending  the  war  on  the  part  of  the 
government,  I  retract  nothing  heretofore  said  as  to  slavery.  I 
repeat  the  declaration  made  a  year  ago,  that  while  I  remain  in 
my  present  position  I  shall  not  attempt  to  retract  or  modify 
the  Emancipation  Proclamation,  nor  shall  X  return  to  slavery 
any  person  who  is  free  by  the  terms  of  that  proclamation  or 
by  any  of  the  acts  of  Congress.  If  the  people  should,  by 
whatever  mode  or  means,  make  it  an  ExecuLve  duty  to  re- 
enslave  such  persons,  another,  and  not  I,  must  bt  their  instru- 
ment to  perform  it.  In  stating  a  single  conditio?!  of  peace,  I 
mean  simply  to  say  that  the  war  will  cease  on  the  pert  of  the 
government  whenever  it  shall  have  ceased  on  the  part  of  ihoAQ 
who  began  it." 

MORE    TROOPS  WANTED. 
On  the   19th  of  December,  1864,  a  call  was  made  for 
300,000  more  men  to  finish  up  the  great  work  on  hand  in 
the  field. 

MR.  LINCOLN   HAS   AN   INTERVIEW  WITH 
REBEL  COMMISSIONERS. 

In  the  early  part  of  February,  1865,  application  was 
made  to  the  National  Government  for  permission  for 
Messrs.  A.  H.  Stephens  of  Georgia,  R.  M.  T.  Hunter  of 
Virginia,  and  J.  A.  Campbell  of  Alabama,  to  pass  through 
the  Union  lines  as  qiiaai  commissioners  from  the  rebel 


190       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

government  to  treat  for  peace.  Permission  was  granted, 
with  the  understanding  that  the  parties  named  were  not 
to  be  allowed  to  laud.  This  determination  upon  the  part 
of  the  Federal  authorities  caused  much  annoyance  to  the 
rebel  agents,  as  they  made  no  secret  of  their  desire  i) 
visit  Washington.  Mr.  Seward  met  the  distinguished 
rebels  named  above,  at  Fortress  Monroe.  The  Secretary 
of  State  telegraphed  for  the  President,  and  Mr.  Lincoln 
at  once  repaired  to  that  point,  where  au  interview  was 
bad  on  board  the  steamer  River  Queen. 

The  conference  lasted  four  hours,  and  was  perfectly 
friendly  and  good-tempered  throughout.  IN'ot  a  word  was 
said  on  either  side  indicating  any  but  amicable  sentiments. 
On  our  side  the  conversation  was  mainly  conducted  by  the 
President ;  on  theirs  by  Mr.  Hunter,  Mr.  Stephens  occa- 
sionally taking  part.  The  rebel  commissioners  said 
nothing  whatever  of  their  personal  views  or  wishes,  but 
spoke  solely  and  exclusively  for  their  government,  and,  at 
the  outset  and  throughout  the  conference,  declared  their 
entire  lack  of  authority  to  make,  receive,  or  consider  any 
proposition  whatever  looking  toward  a  close  of  the  war, 
except  on  the  basis  of  a  recognition  of  the  independence 
of  the  Confederate  States  as  a  preliminary  condition.  The 
President  presented  the  subject  to  them  in  every  conceiva- 
ble form,  suggesting  the  moat  liberal  and  considerate  mod- 
ification of  whatever,  in  the  existing  legislation  and  action 
of  the  United  States  Government,  might  be  regarded  as 
specially  hostile  to  the  rights  and  interests,  or  wounding 
to  the  pride  of  the  Southern  people — but  in  no  single  par- 
ticular could  he  induce  them  to  swerve  for  a  moment  from 
their  demand  for  recognition.  They  did  not  present  this 
conspicuously  as  resting  on  their  own  convictions  or 
wishes,  but  as  the  condition  which  their  government  had 
made  absolutely  indispensable  to  any  negotiations  or  dis- 
cussions whatever  concoraing  peace. 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.     191 

President  Lincoln,  on  the  other  hand,  informed  them, 
at  every  point,  that  such  recognition  was  utterly  and 
totally  out  of  the  question  ;  that  the  United  States  could 
stop  the  war  and  arrest,  even  temporarily,  the  movement 
of  its  armies,  only  on  the  condition  precedent,  that  the 
authority  of  the  National  Government  should  be  recog- 
nized and  obeyed  over  the  whole  territory  of  the  United 
States.  This  point  conceded,  he  assured  them  that  upon 
every  other  matter  of  difference  they  would  be  treated 
with  the  utmost  liberality ;  but  without  that  recognition 
the  war  must  and  would  go  on. 

All  the  conversation  which  took  place  between  the  re- 
spective parties  came  back  to,  and  turned  upon,  this  radical 
and  irreconcilable  difference.  Neither  side  could  bo 
swerved  a  hair's  breadth  from  its  position.  And,  there- 
fore, the  attempt  at  negotiation  was  an  utter  failure. 
Upon  separating,  it  was  distinctly  understood  and  explic- 
itly stated  that  the  attitude  and  action  of  each  Govern- 
ment was  to  be  precisely  what  it  would  have  been  if  this 
interview  had  never  taken  place.  So  this  negotiation 
went  for  nought,  and  President  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Seward 
returned  to  Washington ;  while  the  discomfited  rebel 
commissioners  made  the  best  of  their  way  back  to  Ricli- 
mond. 

IS     INAUGURATED     PRESIDENT     OF     THE 
UNITED  STATES  FOR  A  SECOND  TERM. 

On  the  fourth  of  March,  1865,  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
re-inaugurated  President  of  the  United  States  for  a  second 
term  of  four  years,  the  demonstrations  on  the  occasion  being 
of  the  most  imposing  description.  Arriving  at  the  East 
portico  of  the  Capitol,  the  President,  President-elect,  took 
a  seat  provided  for  him,  and  the  other  distinguished  persons 
filling  the  whole  vast  platform  had  places  assigned  to  them. 
The  President,  President-elect,  then  advanced  to  the  front, 
12 


192    LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

and  Chief  Justice  Chase  administered  the  oath  of  ofi&ce, 

which   the  President  pronounced  in  a  clear,  solemn  voice, 

as  follows : — 

"  I  do  solemnly  swear  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  oflSce 
of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best  of 
my  ability,  protect  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States." 

The  President  then  delivered  his  Inaugural  Address,  as 
follows  ; 

INAUGURAL    ADDRESS. 

Fellow- Countrymen — At  this  second  appearing  to  take  the 
oath  of  the  Presidential  office,  there  is  less  occasion  for  an  ex- 
tended address  than  there  was  at  the  first.  Then  a  statement 
somewhat  in  detail  of  a  course  to  be  pursued  seemed  fitting  and 
proper.  Now,  at  the  expiration  of  four  years,  during  which 
public  declarations  have  beeu  constantly  called  forth  on  every 
point  and  phase  of  the  great  contest  which  still  absorbs  the 
attention  and  engrosses  the  energy  of  the  nation,  little  that  is 
new  could  be  presented.  The  progress  of  our  arms,  upon  which 
all  else  chiefly  depends,  is  as  well  known  to  the  public  as  to 
myself,  and  it  is,  I  trust,  reasonably  satisfactory  and  encouraging 
to  all. 

With  high  hope  for  the  future,  no  prediction  in  regard  to  it  is 
ventured.  On  the  occasion  corresponding  to  this  four  years 
ago,  all  thoughts  were  anxiously  directed  to  an  impending  civil 
war.     All  dreaded  it.     All  sought  to  avert  it. 

AVhile  the  Inaugural  Address  was  being  delivered  from  this 
place,  devoted  altogether  to  the  saving  of  the  Union  without 
war,  insurgent  agents  were  in  the  city  seeking  to  destroy  it 
without  war — seeking  to  dissolve  the  Union  and  divide  the 
effects  by  negotiation. 

Both  parties  deprecated  war,  but  one  of  them  would  make 
war  rather  than  let  the  nation  survive  ;  and  the  other  would 
accept  war  rather  than  perish — and  the  war  came.  One-eighth 
of  the  whole  population  were  colored  slaves,  not  distributed 
generally  over  the  Union,  but  localized  in  the  Southern  part 
of  it. 

These  slaves  constituted  a  peculiar  and  beneficial  interest. 
All  knew  that  this  interest  was  somehow  the  cause  of  the  war. 
To  strengthen,  perpetuate  and  extend  this  interest  was  the  object 
for  which  the  insurgents  would  rend  the  Union  even  by  war, 
while  the  Government  claimed  no  right  to  do  more  than  to 
restrict  the  territorial  enlargement  of  it.  Neither  party  ex- 
pected for  the  war  the  magnitude  nor  the  duration  which  it  has 
already  attained.     Neither  anticipated  that  the  cause  of  the 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.     193 

conflict  might  cease  with  or  even  before  the  conflict  itself  should 
cease.  Each  looked  for  an  easier  triumph  and  a  result  less 
fundamental  and  astounding.  Both  read  the  same  Bible  and 
pray  to  the  same  God,  and  each  invokes  His  aid  against  the 
other.  It  may  seem  strange  that  any  men  should  dare  to  ask  a 
just  God's  assistance  in  wringing  their  bread  from  the  sweat  of 
other  men's  faces. 

But  let  us  judge  not  that  we  be  not  judged.  The  prayers  of 
both  could  not  be  answered  ;  that  of  neither  has  beeu  answered 
fully.  The  Almighty  has  Plis  own  purposes.  "  Woe  unto  the 
world  because  of  offences,  for  it  must  needs  be  that  offences 
come,  but  woe  to  that  man  by  whom  the  offence  cometh."  If 
we  shall  suppose  that  American  slavery  in  one  of  those  offences 
which,  in  the  providence  of  God,  must  needs  come,  but  which, 
having  continued  through  His  appointed  time,  He  now  wills  to 
remove  and  that  He  gives  to  both  North  and  South  this  terrible 
war  as  the  woe  due  to  those  by  whom  the  offence  came,  shall  we 
discern  therein. any  departure  from  these  Divine  attributes  which 
the  believers  in  a  loving  God  always  ascribe  to  him  ?  Fondly  do 
we  hope,  fervently  do  we  pray  that  this  mighty  scourge  of  war 
may  speedily  pass  away.  Yet  if  God  wills  that  it  continue  until 
all  the  wealth  piled  by  the  bondman's  two  hundred  and  fifty 
years  of  unrequited  toil  shall  be  sunk,  and  until  every  drop  of 
blood  drawn  with  the  lash  shall  be  paid  by  another  drawn  with 
the  sword,  as  was  said  three  thousand  years  ago,  so  still  it  must 
be  said,  "  the  judgments  of  the  Lord  are  true  and  righteous 
altogether." 

With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firmness  in 
the  right,  let  us  strive  on  to  finish  the  work  we  are  in,  to  bind  up 
the  Nation's  wounds,  to  care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the 
battle  and  for  his  widow  and  his  orphan,  to  do  all  which  may 
achieve  and  cherish  a  just  and  a  lasting  peace  among  ourselves 
and  with  all  nations. 

PRESIDENT  LINCOLN  GOES  TO  "THE  FRONT." 

On  the  24tli  of  March,  1865,  Mr.  Lincoln  went  to  ''the 
front,"  just  as  the  lines  of  General  Grant  were  being  drawiv 
tighter  and  tighter  around  Richmond.  He  witnessed,  a 
part  of  the  assault  upon  Petersburg,  and  was  at  City  Point 
when  Richmond  fell  into  the  possession  of  the  Federal 
forces  on  the  2d  of  April,  1865.  He  pushed  on  to  the  rebel 
capital,  held  a  levee  in  the  mansion  of  the  fugitive  Jeffer- 
son Davis,  and  left  the  same  evening  for  City  Point,  re- 
turning to  Washington  soon  after. 


194     LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LIXCOLN. 


GEIS  EHAL  LEE  SUIIIIENDERS. 

The  fall  of  Richmond  was  followed  speedily  by  the  sur- 
render of  Lee.  The  terms  of  capitulation  determined  upon 
are  embraced  in  the  following  note  from  General  Grant  to 
General  Lee  : 

"Appomattox  Court  House,  April  9th. — General  Rohert  E. 
Lee,  Army  C.  S. — In  accordance  with  the  substance  of  my 
letter  to  you  of  the  8th  inst.,  I  propose  to  receive  the  surrender 
of  the  army  of  Northern  Virginia  on  the  following  terms,  to 
wit:  Rolls  of  all  the  officers  and  men  to  be  made  in  duplicate, 
one  copy  to  be  given  to  an  officer  designated  by  me,  the  other 
to  be  retained  by  such  officer  or  officers  as  you  may  designate, 
the  officers  to  give  their  individual  paroles  not  to  take  up  arms 
against  the  Government  of  the  United  States  until  properly 
exchanged,  and  each  company  or  regimental  commander  to 
sign  a  like  parole  for  the  men  of  their  commands.  The  arms, 
artillery,  and  public  property  to  be  parked  and  stacked,  and 
turned  over  to  the  officers  appointed  by  me  to  receive  them. 
This  will  not  embrace  the  side  arms  of  the  officers,  nor  their 
private  horses  or  baggage,  This  done,  each  officer  and  man 
will  be  allowed  to  return  to  their  homes,  not  to  be  disturbed  by 
United  States  authority  so  long  as  they  observe  their  parole 
and  the  laws  in  force  were  they  may  reside. 

"  Very  Respect/ullT/y  "  U.  S.  Grant, 

"  Ldeutenant-GeneraV* 

These  easy  terms  were  accepted,  and  it  is  known  that 
President  Lincoln,  in  dictating  them,  was  actuated  by  a 
kindly  spirit  of  conciliation. 

THE  PRESIDENT  RETURNS  TO  WASHINGTON. 

On  the  11th  of  April,  1865,  there  was  high  rejoicing  at 
the  National  Capital.  The  public  buildings  were  illuminated 
at  night,  in  honor  of  the  great  victories  <>^  the  Union 
arms,  and  the  people  were  happy  at  the  prospect  of  a 
epeedy  peace.  President  Lincoln  was  serenaded  at  the 
White  House.  The  President  made  a  responsive  speech, 
in  substance  as  follows: 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  Or  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.     195 


MR.  LINCOLN'S  LAST  SPEECH. 

"  We  meet  this  evening  not  in  sorrow,  but  in  gladness  of 
heart.  The  evacuation  of  Petersburg  and  Richmond,  and  the 
surrender  of  the  principal  insurgent  army,  give  hopes  of  a 
righteous  and  speedy  peace,  whose  joyous  expression  cannot  be 
restrained.  In  the  midst  of  this,  however,  He  from  whom  all 
blessings  flow  must  not  be  forgotten.  A  call  for  a  national 
thanksgiving  is  being  prepared,  and  will  be  duly  promulgated. 
Nor  must  those  whose  harder  part  gives  us  the  cause  of  rejoic- 
ing be  overlooked.  Their  honors  must  not  be  parceled  out  with 
others.  I  myself  was  near  the  front,  and  had  the  high  pleasure 
of  transmitting  much  of  the  good  news  to  yon.  But  no  part  of 
the  honor  or  execution  is  mine.  To  General  Grant,  his  skillful 
officers  and  brave  men,  all  belongs.  The  gallant  navy  stood 
ready,  but  was  not  in  reach  to  take  active  part.  By  these  re- 
cent successes  the  re-inauguration  of  the  national  authority — 
reconstruction,  which  has  had  a  large  share  of  thought  from 
the  first — is  pressed  much  more  closely  upon  our  attention.  It 
is  fraught  with  great  difficulty.  Unlike  a  war  between  indepen- 
dent nations,  there  is  no  authorized  organ  for  us  to  treat  with. 
No  one  man  has  authority  to  give  up  the  rebellion  for  any  other 
man.   We  must  simply  begi^  with  and  mould  from  disorganized 

and  discordant  elements. 

*-x-*  ***** 

"  In  the  annual  message  of  December,  1863,  and  the  accom- 
panying proclamation,  I  presented  a  plan  of  reconstruction,  as 
the  phrase  goes,  which  I  promised,  if  adopted  by  any  State, 
would  be  acceptable  to  and  sustained  by  the  Executive  Govern- 
ment of  the  nation.  I  distinctly  stated  that  this  was  not  the 
only  plan  which  might,  possibly,  be  acceptable  ;  and  I  also  dis- 
tinctly protested  that  the  Executive  claimed  no  right  to  say 
■when  or  whether  members  should  be  admitted  to  seats  in  Con- 
gress from  such  States.  This  plan  was  in  advance  submitted 
to  the  then  cabinet,  and  approved  by  every  member  of  it.  One 
of  them  suggested  that  1  should  then  and  in  that  connection 
apply  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  to  the  theretofore  ex- 
cepted parts  of  Virginia  and  Louisiana,  that  I  should  drop  the 
suggestion  about  apprenticeship  for  freed  people,  and  that  I 
should  omit  the  protest  against  my  own  power  in  regard  to  the 
admission  of  members  of  Congress.  But  even  he  approved 
every  part  and  parcel  of  the  plan  which  has  since  been  employed 
or  touched  by  the  action  of  Louisiana.  The  new  constitution 
of  Louisiana,  declaring  emancipation  for  the  whole  State,  prac- 
tically applies  the  proclamation  to  the  part  previously  excepted. 
It  does  not  adopt  apprenticeship  for  freed  people,  and  is  silent, 
as  it  could  not  well  be  otherwise,  about  the  admission  of  mem- 
bers to  Congress.     So  that,  as  it  applied  to  Louisiana,  every 


■i^^- 


196     LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

member  of  the  Cabinet  fully  approved  the  plan.  The  message 
went  to  Congress,  and  I  received  many  commendations  of  the 
plan,  written  and  vevbal,  and  not  a  single  objection  to  it,  from 
any  processed  emancipationist,  came  to  my  knowledge  until 
after  th«  news  reached  AVashington  that  the  people  of  Louis- 
iana haj  begun  to  move  in  accordance  with  it.  From  abou^ 
July,  18G2,  I  had  corresponded  with  different  persons  supposed 
to  be  interested  in  seeking  a  reconstruction  of  a  State  Govern- 
ment for  Louisiana.  When  the  message  of  1863,  with  the  plan 
before  mentioned,  reached  New  Orleans,  General  Banks  wrote 
me  that  he  was  confident  that  the  people,  with  his  military  co- 
operation, would  reconstruct  substantially  on  that  plan.  I 
wrote  to  him  and  some  of  them  to  try  it.  They  tried  it,  and 
the  result  is  known.  Such  has  been  my  only  agency  in  getting 
up  the  Louisiana  government.  As  to  sustaining  it,  my  promise 
is  out,  as  before  stated.  But  as  bad  promises  are  better  broken 
than  kept,  I  shall  treat  this  as  a  bad  promise  and  break  it  when- 
ever I  shall  be  convinced  that  keepiaf  it  is  adverse  to  the  public 
interest;  but  I  have  not  yet  been  so  convinced. 

"  We  all  agree  that  the  seceded  States,  so  called,  are  out  of 
their  proper  practical  relation  with  the  Union,  and  that  the 
sole  object  of  the  government,  civil  and  military,  in  regard  to 
those  States,  is  to  again  get  them  into  their  proper  practical 
relation.  I  believe  that  it  is  not  only  possible,  but,  in  fact, 
easier,  to  do  this  without  deciding,  or  even  considering,  whether 
those  States  have  ever  been  out  of  the  Union,  than  with  it. 
Finding  themselves  safely  at  home,  it  would  be  utterly  imma- 
terial whether  they  had  been  abroad.  Let  us  all  join  in  doing 
the  acts  necessary  to  restore  the  proper  practical  relations 
between  those  States  and  the  nation,  and  each  forever  after 
innocently  indulge  his  own  opinion  whether  in  doing  the  acts 
he  brought  the  States  from  without  into  the  Union,  or  only 
gave  them  proper  assistance,  they  never  having  been  out  of  it. 
The  amount  of  constituency,  so  to  speak,  on  which  the  Louisi- 
ana Government  rests,  would  be  more  satisfactory  to  all  if  it 
contained  50,000.  or  30,000,  or  even  20,000,  instead  of  12,000,  as 
it  does.  It  is  also  unsatisfactory  to  some  that  the  elective 
franchise  is  not  given  to  the  colored  man.  I  would  myself 
prefer  that  it  were  now  conferred  on  the  very  intelligent,  and 
on  those  who  serve  our  cause  as  soldiers.  Still  the  question  is 
not  whether  the  Louisiana  government,  as  it  stands,  is  quite  all 
that  is  desirable.  The  question  is,  will  it  be  wiser  to  take  it  as 
it  is,  and  help  to  improve  it,  or  to  reject  and  disperse  ?  Can 
Louisiana  be  brought  into  proper  practical  relation  with  the 
Union  sooner  by  sustaining  or  by  discarding  her  new  State 
government  ?  Some  twelve  thousand  voters  in  the  heretofore 
slave  State  of  Louisiana  ha^e  sworn  allegiance  to  the  Union, 
assumed  to  be  the  rightful  political  power  of  the  State,  held 


LIFE   AND   SEIiVICES   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.    197 

elections,  organized  a  State  government,  adopted  a  Free  State 
constitution,  giving  the  benefit  of  public  schools  equally  to 
black  and  white,  and  empowering  the  legislature  to  confer  the 
elective  franchise  upon  the  colored  man.  This  Legislature  has 
already  voted  to  ratify  the  constitutional  amendment  recently 
passed  by  Congress,  abolishing  slavery  throughout  the  nation. 
These  twelve  thousand  persons  are  thus  fully  committed  to  the 
Union  and  to  perpetuate  freedom  in  the  State ;  committed  to 
the  very  things,  and  nearly  all  things,  the  nation  wants,  and 
the^^  ask  the  nation's  recognition  and  its  assistance  to  make 
good  this  committal.  Now  if  we  reject  and  spurn  them,  we  do 
our  utmost  to  disorganize  and  disperse  them.  We  in  fact  say 
to  the  white  man,  you  are  worthless  or  worse ;  we  will  neither 
help  you  nor  be  helped  by  you.  To  the  blacks  we  say :  This 
cup  of  liberty  which  these,  your  old  masters,  held  to  your  lips, 
we  will  dash  from  you,  and  leave  you  to  the  chances  of  gather- 
ing the  spilled  and  scattered  contents  in  some  vague  and  unde- 
fined when,  where,  and  how.  If  this  course,  discouraging  and 
paralyzing  both  white  and  black,  has  any  tendency  to  bring 
Louisiana  into  proper  practical  relations  with  the  Union,  I  have 
BO  far  been  unable  to  perceive  it.  If,  on  the  contrary,  we 
recognize  and  sustain  the  new  government  of  Louisiana,  the 
converse  of  all  this  is  made  true.  We  encourage  the  hearts 
and  nerve  the  arms  of  12,000  to  adhere  to  their  work,  and  argue 
for  it,  and  proselyte  for  it,  and  fight  for  it,  and  feed  it,  and  grow 
it,  and  ripen  it  to  a  complete  success.  The  colored  m.an,  too, 
in  seeing  all  united  for  him,  is  inspired  with  vigilance,  and 
energy,  and  daring  to  the  same  end.  Grant  that  he  desires  the 
elective  franchise,  will  he  not  attain  it  sooner  by  saving  the 
already  advanced  steps  toward  it,  than  by  running  backward 
over  them  ?  Concede  that  the  new  government  of  Louisiana 
is  to  what  it  should  be  as  the  egg  is  to  the  fowl,  we  shall  sooner 
have  the  fowl  by  hatching  the  egg  than  by  smashing  it. 
[Laughter.] 

"Can  Louisiana  be  brought  into  proper  practical  relation 
with  the  Union  sooner  by  sustaining  or  by  discarding  her  new 
State  government  ?  What  has  been  said  of  Louisiana  will 
apply  to  other  States.  And  yet  so  great  peculiarities  pertain 
to  each  State,  and  such  important  and  sudden  changes  occur 
in  the  same  State,  and  withal  so  new  and  unprecedented  is  the 
whole  case,  that  no  exclusive  and  inflexible  plan  can  safely  be 
prescribed  as  to  details  and  collaterals.  Such  exclusive  and 
inflexible  plan  would  surely  become  a  new  entanglement.  Im 
portant  principles  may  and  must  be  inflexible.  In  the  present 
eituation,  as  the  phrase  goes,  -it  may  be  my  duty  to  make  some 
new  announcement  to  the  people  of  the  South.  I  am  consider- 
ing, and  shall  not  fail  to  act  when  satisfied  that  action  will  bo 
proper." 


198  LIFE  AND  SERVICES   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


PRESIDENT    LINCOLN    ASSASSINATED. 

The  Fourteenth  of  April,  1865,  will  ever  be  a 
memorable  day  in  the  annals  of  America.  It  was  Ito 
anniversary  of  the  evacuation  of  Fort  Sumter,  in  Charles- 
ton harbor,  by  Major  (now  General)  Anderson,  four  years 
before,  and  upon  that  day  the  old  flag  was  formally  re- 
stored. The  masterly  combinations  of  General  Grant  had 
circumscribed  the  territory  of  rebellion  to  very  contracted 
limits.  Sherman's  wonderful  march  through  Georgia, 
from  Atlanta  to  the  sea- board,  and  then  north  through 
South  Carolina,  had  given  us  possession  of  the  most  im- 
portant points  inland  ;  while  Savannah,  Charleston,  Col- 
umbia, Wilmington,  Petersburg  and,  finally,  Richmond 
itself,  were  added  to  the  acquisitions  resulting  from  the 
splendid  generalship  of  Grant,  Sherman,  and  Sheridan.  Lee 
had  surrendered.  Jefferson  Davis  and  his  bogus  government 
were  fugitives,  and  even  Mobile  had  succumbed  to  the 
national  authority,  although  intelligence  of  the  fact  had 
not  yet  reached  the  seat  of  government.  There  were 
rejoicings  every  where  in  the  loyal  North.  The  Federal 
authorities  had  put  a  sudden  stop  to  the  draft  and  to  re- 
cruiting, and  the  war  was  considered  virtually  at  an  end ; 
only  the  dying  embers  of  rebellion  remaining  to  be 
trampled  out  by  the  victorious  generals  of  the  republic. 
President  Lincoln  had  returned  home  to  Washington  from 
his  visit  to  the  subjugated  capital  of  rebellion,  and  he  had 
dated  a  dispatch  from  the  residence  of  the  fugitive  arch- 
traitor  Davis.  All  was  joy  and  happiness,  which  was 
demonstrated  by  illuminations,  displays  of  flags,  addresses, 
etc.  But  a  terrible  blow  was  in  store  for  the  nation,  and 
it  came  like  a  thunder-clap  from  a  clear  sky  upon  the  ears 
of  the  astounded  people. 

The  President  and  General  Grant  had  been  invited  to 
attend  Ford's  theatre    in  Washington,  on  the  evening  of 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.   199 

the  fourteenth,  and  both  had  accepted  the  invitation. 
General  Grant  was  called  ofif  North,  and  left  Washington 
during  the  evening.  The  President  good-naturedly 
attended  the  theatre  lest  the  audience  might  be  entirely 
disappointed,  in  consequence  of  General  Grant's  absence, 
and  Mrs.  Lincoln  accompanied  her  illustrious  husband. 
About  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening,  while  the  play,  "  Our 
American  Cousin,"  was  progressing,  a  stranger  worked 
his  way  into  the  proscenium  box  occupied  by  the  presi- 
dential party,  and  leveling  a  pistol  close  behind  the  head 
of  Mr.  Lincoln,  he  fired,  and  the  ball  was  lodged  deep  in 
the  brain  of  the  President.  The  assassin  then  drew  a 
dirk,  and  cutting  right  and  left  with  it,  he  sprang  from  the 
box,  flourishing  the  weapon  aloft,  and  shouted  as  he 
reached  the  stage  the  motto  upon  the  escutcheon  of  the 
State  of  Virginia,  "  Sic  Semper  TyrannisP^  The  miscreant 
dashed  across  the  stage,  and  before  the  audience  or  the 
actors  could  recover  from  their  amazement  and  bewilder- 
ment, or  realize  the  real  position  of  affairs,  the  murderer 
had  mounted  a  fleet  horse  in  waiting  in  an  alley  in  the 
rear  of  the  theatre,  and  galloping  off,  he  escaped  for  a  time. 

The  excitement  growing  out  of  the  tragic  event  may 
be  imagined.  In  the  midst  of  the  uproar  and  confusion, 
the  wounded  President  was  borne  to -a  dwelling  in  the 
vicinity,  where  he  lingered  in  an  unconscious  condition 
until  twenty-two  minutes  past  seven  o'clock  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  15th,  when  he  died.  Vice-President  Andrew 
Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  became  President  of  the  United 
States  upon  the  death  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  by  the  provisions 
of  the  Constitution. 

At  about  the  same  time  that  the  fatal  bullet  was  sped 
at  the  life  of  the  foremost  man  of  the  nation,  an  attempt 
was  made  to  murder  Mr.  William  H.  Seward,  Secretary 
of  State,  and  his  son  Frederick,  the  Assistant  Secretary 
of  State.      The   Secretary  had   been   seriously  hurt  by 


200  I^IJ^E  AND  SERVICES   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

leaping  from  his  carriage  while  being  ran  away  with  by 
his  frightened  horses,  and  he  was  lying  in  a  precarious 
condition  at  his  home,  when  a  rujQfian,  who  had  obtained 
access  to  the  house  by  fraud,  burst  into  the  sick  chamber, 
stabbing  the  Secretary  in  the  throat,  and  inflicting  severe 
wounds  upon  his  son  Frederick  and  others  of  his  attend- 
ants. The  assassin  escaped  at  the  time,  riding  off  upon 
a  horse,  like  the  murderer  of  the  President,  but  he  was 
subsequently  secured. 

The  murderer  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  John  Wilkes  Booth, 
an  actor,  and  a  native  of  Harford  County,  Maryland. 
During  the  continuance  of  the  rebellion  he  was  an  ardent 
Secessionist,  and  he  made  no  concealment  of  his  warm 
sympathy  with  armed  treason.  He  had  frequently  threat- 
ened to  assassinate  the  President,  and  this  threat  was 
executed  in  the  tragic  and  dramatic  manner  described. 
He  was  of  course  acting  in  collusion  with  the  assassin 
who  attempted  the  lives  of  the  Seward  family. 

WHAT  BECAME  OF  BOOTH. 

The  assassin  made  his  way  on  horseback  into  St.  Mary^s 
county,  where  he  lay  concealed  for  some  days,  eluding  his 
pursuers,  although  the  rewards  for  his  capture  amounted 
in  the  aggregate  to  over  one  hundred  thousand  dollars. 
It  was,  however,  pretty  conclusively  ascertained  that  he 
was  in  this  locality,  and  parties  of  cavalry  finally  closed 
in  around  him,  so  as  to  compel  him  to  beat  a  retreat.  He 
worked  his  way  across  the  Potomac  and  Kappahannock 
rtvers  into  Virginia,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  26th  of 
April,  1865,  a  party  of  Colonel  Baker's  cavalry,  under 
command  of  Lieutenant  Dougherty,  traced  him  to  a  barn 
on  the  farm  of  Henry  Garrett,  between  Bowling  Green 
and  Port  Royal,  and  near  Fredericksburg,  where,  with  an 
accomplice  named  David  C.  Harrold,  he  was  concealed. 

The  cavalry  surrounded  the  barn,  and  called  upon  the 


1 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       2Ul 

fugitives  to  surrender.  Upon  their  refusing  to  do  so,  the 
barn  was  set  on  fire,  in  the  rear,  and  Harrold,  coming  out, 
gave  himself  up  as  a  prisoner.  Booth  refused  to  surrender, 
and  after  theatrically  challenging  the  lieutenant  and  the 
entire  party  of  cavalrymen  to  combat,  he  prepared  to  fire 
among  them.  Sergeant  Boston  Corbett  immediately 
leveled  his  piece  and  fired,  shooting  the  wretched  asssassin 
in  the  head,  and  causing  much  such  a  wound  as  Booth 
had  inflicted  upon  the  President  less  than  two  weeks 
before.  Booth  lived  for  two  or  three  hours  after  receiving 
his  wound.  The  body  of  the  murderer,  with  the  person 
of  Harrold,  was  at  once  removed  to  Washington. 

THE  FOURTEENTH    OF    APRIL,    1865. 

As  everything  pertaining  to  the  last  hours  of  the  late 
President  must  be  interesting  to  the  public,  the  following 
incidents  of  the  last  day  of  his  life  will  not  be  deficient  in 
interest. 

His  son,  Capt.  Robert  Lincoln,  breakfasted  with  him 
on  Friday  morning,  having  just  returned  from  the  capitu- 
lation of  Lee,  and  the  President  passed  a  happy  hour 
listening  to  all  the  details.  While  at  breakfast  he  heard 
that  Speaker  Colfax  was  in  the  house,  and  sent  word  that 
he  wished  to  see  him  immediately  in  the  reception-room. 
He  conversed  with  him  nearly  an  hour  about  his  future 
policy  as  to  the  rebellion,  which  he  was  about  to  submit  to 
the  Cabinet.  Afterwards  he  had  an  interview  with 
Mr.  Hale,  Minister  to  Spain,  and  several  Senators  and 
Representatives.  At  eleven  o'clock,  the  Cabinet  and 
Gen.  Grant  met  with  him,  and  in  one  of  the  most  satis- 
factory and  important  Cabinet  meetings  held  since  his 
first  inauguration,  the  future  policy  of  the  administration 
was  harmoniously  and  unanimously  agreed  on.  When  it 
adjourned,  Secretary  Stanton  said  he  felt  that  the  govern- 
ment was  stronger  than  at  any  previous  period  since  the 
rebellion  commenced.    In  the  afternoon  the  President  had 


202       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

a  long  and  pleasant  interview  with  Gen.  Oglesbj,  Senator 
Yates,  and  other  leading  citizens  of  his  State. 

In  the  evening,  Mr.  Colfax  called  again,  at  his  request, 
and   Mr.  Ashmun,  of  Massachusetts,  who  presided  over 
the  Chicago  Convention  of  1860,  was  present.     To  them 
he  spoke  of  his  visit  to  Richraodd;  and  when  thej  stated 
that  there  was  much  uneasiness  at  the  North  while  he 
was  at  the  rebel  capital,  for  fear  that  some  traitor  might 
shoot  him,  he  replied,  jocularl}',  that  he  would  have  been 
alarmed  himself  if  any  other  person  had  been  President 
and  gone  there,  but  that  he  did  not  feel  any  danger  what- 
ever.    Conversing   on   a   matter   of  business  with   Mr. 
Ashmun,  he  made  a  remark  that  he  saw  Mr.  Ashmun 
was  surprised  at,  and  immediately,  with  his  well-known 
kindness  of  heart,  said — "  You  did  not  understand  me, 
Ashmun,  I  did  not  mean  what  vou  inferred,  and  I  will 
take  it  all  back  and  apologize  for  it."     He  afterward  gave 
Mr.  Ashmun  a  card  to  admit  himself  and  friend  early  the 
next  morning,  to  converse  further  about  it.     Turning  to 
Mr.  Colfax,  he  said — "You  are  going  with  Mrs.  Lincoln 
and  me  to  the  theatre,  I  hope  ?"     But  Mr.   Colfax  had 
other  engagements,  expecting  to  leave  the  city  the  next 
morning.     He  then  said  to  Mr.   Colfax — "  Mr.   Sumner 
has  the  gavel  of  the  Confederate  Congress,  which  he  got 
at  Richmond  to  hand  to  the   Secretary  of  War.     But  I 
insisted  then  that  he  must  give  it  to  you ;  and  you  tell 
him  for  me  to  hand  it  over."    Mr.  Ashmun  alluded  to  the 
gavel  ■which  he   still  had,  and  which  he  had  used  at  the 
Chicago  Convention  ;  and  the  President  and  Mrs.  Lincoln, 
who  was  also  in  the  parlor,  rose  to  go  to  the  theatre.     It 
was  half  an  hour  after  the  time  they  had  intended  to 
start,  and  they  spoke  about  waiting  half  an  hour  longer, 
for  the  President  went  with  reluctance.     At  the  door  he 
stopped,  and  said — "Colfax,  do  not  forget  to   tell  the 
people  in  the  mining  regions,  as  you  pass  through  them, 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       203 

what  I  told  you  this  morning,  about  the  development 
when  peace  comes,  and  I  will  telegraph  you  at  San 
Francisco."  He  shook  hands  with  both  gentlemen,  with 
a  pleasant  good-bye,  and  left  the  Executive  mansion 
never  to  return  to  it  alive. 

THE  EFFECT  OF  MR.  LINCOLN'S  DEATH. 

Never,  since  the  demise  of  Washington,  was  there  so 
profound  a  sensation  as  that  caused  by  the  murder  of 
President  Lincoln.  The  telegraph  conveyed  the  sad 
tidings  to  the  remotest  part  of  the  continent,  and  before 
noon  of  the  fifteenth,  the  nation  was  in  tears  from  the 
Potomac  to  the  Aroostook,  and  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific.  By  common  consent  all  business  was  suspended, 
and  while  the  merchants  of  Philadelphia,  New  York  and 
Boston,  were  closing  their  stores  and  draping  their  dwell- 
ings in  the  habiliments  of  mourning,  the  people  of  San 
Francisco  were  discussing  the  sad  tidings  and  doing 
funeral  honors  to  the  Martyr-President.  The  people  and 
authorities  of  the  British  Provinces  of  Canada,  also 
signified  their  deep  regret  at  the  tragic  event  that  had 
thrown  the  loyal  States  in  tears  ;  while,  in  the  rebel 
States,  the  act  of  the  assassin  was  spoken  of  by  many 
with  horror  and  detestation. 

The  funeral  of  Mr.  Lincoln  took  place  at  Washington, 
on  Wednesday,  the  19th  of  April,  1865.  It  was  attended 
by  the  highest  civil  and  military  dignitaries,  and  by  the 
representatives  of  foreign  governments.  The  remains 
were  placed  in  the  rotunda  of  the  capitol,  where  they  lay 
in  state  until  the  21st,  when  they  were  started  upon  their 
moarnful  journey  to  Springfield,  Illinois.  They  were 
taken  to  the  western  home  of  the  deceased  President  by 
the  route  he  pursued  while  on  his  way  from  the  West  to 
Washington.  Baltimore,  Harrisburg,  Philadelphia,  New 
York,  Albany,  Buffalo,  Cleveland,  Columbus,  Indianapolis 
and  Chicago  were  visited,  in  the  order  named,  and  at  each 


204       LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  ABRAHAJVC  LINCOLN. 

place  there  were  extraordiQary  demonstrations  of  respect 
and  sorrow,  reaching  Springfield  on  May  3d,  where  the 
remains  laid  in  state  in  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, until  May  4th,  when  the  final  funeral  took  place. 
At  each  place  there  were  magnificent  obsequies,  the 
body  lay  in  state,  and  scores  of  thousands  of  citizens 
crowded  to  see  the  remains  of  their  beloved  Chief  Mag- 
istrate, upon  whom  treason  had  done  its  worst. 

A  SUMMARY. 
We  have  now  traced  the  life  of  Abraham  Lincoln  from 
the  time  he  first  saw  the  light  in  the  humble  cabin  of  his 
father  in  the  wilds  of  Kentucky,  in  1809,  down  to  the 
hour  that  he  gasped  his  last  breath  in  the  dwelling  in 
Washington  city,  to  which  he  was  conveyed  after  the 
assassin  Booth  had  struck  his  murderous  blow.  We 
have  seen  how  the  flat-boatman  and  the  rail-splitter  of  the 
West,  climbed  step  by  step  until  he  reached  the  highest 
round  of  political  preferment,  as  well  as  the  loftiest  place 
in  the  affections  of  his  countrymen.  We  have  seen  how 
honesty  of  purpose  won  its  way  while  beset  by  the  wiles 
of  political  chicanery  and  deceit.  We  have  seen  how 
sterling  principle  lived  down  fierce  opposition  until  the 
false  and  the  wrong  were  forced  to  yield  to  the  true  and 
the  just.  We  have  seen  a  grand  illustration  of  the  prac- 
tical democratic  republicanism  of  our  American  system, 
in  elevating  a  man  from  the  humblest  ranks  of  the  people 
to  the  loftiest  place  on  earth.  And,  finally,  we  have  seen 
how  the  malignant  hate  of  foiled  traitors  sped  the  Par- 
thian arrow  to  the  murdering  of  the  most  illustrious 
citizen  of  the  republic. 

"  An  eagle,  tow'ring  in  his  pride  of  place, 
Was  by  a  mousing  owl  hawked  at  and  killed." 

But  the  principles  ennunciated  and  struggled  for  by 
Abraham  Lincoln  are  as  imperishable  as  truth  itself,  and 


LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  205 

having  performed  his  great  mission  upon  earth,  he  has 
gone  to  meet  his  reward  in  another  sphere,  leaving  to  his 
fellow  citizens,  and  to  posterity,  the  enjoyment  of  the 
great  reforms,  of  which  he  was  the  instrument  iii  the 
hands  of  Providence,  and  to  American  youth  the  influencce 
of  his  grand  example. 


THl    EITD. 


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<     I       O    I  I     » 


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~v 


